HE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS
Wli.i
Presented to the
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
by the
ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE LIBRARY
1980
The Official Records of the Mutiny
in
The Black Watch.
v,
THE
r
\ x
\ S.
.
The
Official Records of the Mutiny
in
THE BLACK WATCH
» A LONDON INCIDENT OF THE YEAR 1743
COMPILED AND EDITED BY
H. D. MACWILLIAM
WITH INTRODUCTION, NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
"Now, by the Holy Cross! I swear, Since earth and sea began, Was never such a daring deed Essayed by mortal man ! "
H- E. AYTOUff.
v
PUBLISHED BY
FORSTER GROOM & CO., LIMITED
LONDON
*•• *v
1910.
•^» :: ^ c
J
*
«*•••••••• „":'•••-
LONDON :
PRINTED BY A. P. BLUNDELL, TAYLOR & CO. 171-173, UPPER THAMES STREET, E.G.
TO THE MEMORY OF
CORPORAL SAMUEL McPHERSON CORPORAL MALCOLM McPHERSON PRIVATE FARQUHAR SHAW
Private ALAN CAMERON
„ ALEXANDER CAMERON, junior „ ANGUS CAMERON, junior
DONALD CAMERON „ DONALD CAMERON, junior
DUNCAN CAMERON
JI-HN CAMERON „ JOHN CAMERON „ JOHN CAMERON, junior
JOHN CAMPBELL „ JOHN CAMPBELL, senior „ JOHN CAMPBELL, junior , JOHN FAROLHARSON „ DONALD FORBES
JAMES FORBES ,. WILLIAM FORSYTH „ ALEXANDER FRASER OF BALLAGAN
ALEXANDER FRASER „ ALEXANDER FRASER , EVAN FRASER
JAMES FRASER
PATRICK FRASER, senior „ WILLIAM FRASER ., WILLIAM FRASER alias MC£AN „ WILLIAM GORDON
ALEXANDER GRANT
DAVID GRANT
DUNCAN GRANT „ DUNCAN GRANT, senior
Private DUNCAN GRANT, junior
„ GRIGOR GRANT
„ JAMES GRANT
„ JOHN GRANT
„ PETER GRANT, junior
„ DONALD KENNEDY
„ DUNCAN KENNEDY
„ WILLIAM KENNEDY HUGH MCALLAN
„ DONALD McALPiN GRIGOR MC.\LPIN ARCHIBALD MCCALLUM
„ DUGALD McCALLUM
„ PATRICK McCALMAN ., PATRICK MCDERMITE
[McDlARMIUJ
ALEXANDER Me DONALD
„ ALEXANDER Me DONALD
„ ANGUS Me DONALD Piper DONALD MCDONALD Private JAMES MCDONALD
„ JOHN Mi. DONALD
„ JAMES MCFARLAND
„ LEWIS McFARLAND
„ WALTER MCFARLAND „ ALEXANDER McGRicoR „ DONALD McGRicox „ EVAN McGRicoR „ JAMES McGRiGOR
&
VI
DEDICATION.
Private JOHN McGRicoR „ JOHN McGRicoR
JOHN McGRicoR, senior JOHN McGRicoR, junior NEIL McGRicoR PATRICK McGRicoR, junior PETER McGRicoR alias
McALPiN ah'as CAMPBELL „ ANGUS MclNTOSH „ JAMES MC!NTOSH „ JOHN MclNTOSH „ DONALD MC!NTYRE „ DUNCAN MC!NTYRE
DUNCAN MC!NTYRE, senior „ HECTOR McLEAN „ JAMES McLEAN „ WILLIAM McLEOD „ JOHN MCMILLAN „ NICOL McNicoL „ PATRICK McNicoL
ALEXANDER MCPHERSON, senior ALEXANDER MCPHERSON, junior ANGUS MCPHERSON OF LAGGAN ANGUS MCPHERSON, senior
Private ANGUS MCPHERSON, junior DONALD MCPHERSON DONALD MCPHERSON DONALD MCPHERSON EVAN MCPHERSON JAMES MCPHERSON
„ JOHN MCPHERSON
„ JOHN MCPHERSON
KENNETH MCPHERSON PAUL MCPHERSON PAUL MCPHERSON JOHN MCTAISH [McTAUs]
„ PATRICK MELDRUM
„ JOHN MORRISON
„ ALEXANDER MURRAY
„ JOHN NOBLE
„ JAMES PANTON
„ ANGUS ROBERTSON
„ JOHN SMITH
„ WILLIAM SMITH
„ DONALD STEWART
„ JOHN STEWART
„ JOHN STEWART THOMAS STEWART
BRAVE HIGHLANDERS
Dtctime of Deception ano
A.D. 1743,
AND
Go tbe flDemors of
Major JOHN CREED, J.P. for Northamptonshire
Major CHARLES OTWAY 1 of the Duke of Montagu's (The Queen's
Captain ANTHONY RENKINE I Royal) Regiment of Horse
HUMANE ENGLISH SOLDIERS.
PREFATORY NOTE.
The meagreness of the early history of the famous Black \\atch, due to the loss of the regimental records mentioned by General David Stewart, is partly responsible for the issue of the present volume ; but I have also been influenced by the conviction that the circumstances recounted herein possess an interest mu< h wider than that of a chapter— although a remarkable one— in the history of a renowned regiment, in that they, in fact, contributed largely to an event of no less moment than the rising commonly known as " The Forty-five."
The documents constituting " The Official Records " represent, Almost entirely, the result of a prolonged search amongst the countless volumes and documents preserved in the Public Record >ffice, and, needless to say, many of the papers now printed would not have been brought to light without the invaluable aid afforded by Mr. Salisbury, of that Office, whose services and courtesy I gladly take this opportunity of acknowledging.
The unusual length of the "Introduction" is due to my endeavour to combine the brief effect of " The Official Records " with side-lights in the shape of extracts from both contemporary and later publications, etc. ; believing that the actual language of the various writers will be valued more than any words of mine, especially as to most readers the publications in question, by reason of their rarity, will probably be quite inaccessible for the purposes of verification or otherwise.
My best thanks are due to the Duke of Atholl for the loan of a copy of his Grace's "Narrative of the Mutiny in the Black Watch in I743." and for permission to print the interesting letters relative
6 2
viii PREFATORY NOTE.
to the affair contained in the " Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families "-which have contributed not a little to t completeness of the present volume. I also gratefully acknowledge the courtesy of Lord Sempill and Sir Hector Munro of Fouhs m sending me photographs of the portraits of their respective predecessors-Lord Sempill and Sir Robert Munro-which cannot fail to add to the interest of the book. To Mr. Skeoch Cumming I am much indebted, as through his kindness it is that I am able to reproduce a complete set of the "Bowles" prints, now so scarce ; and I am also indebted to him for the loan of papers, ar for some valuable suggestions.
The illustrations are the work of the Artists Illustrators, Limited (Donald Macbeth) ; and the printing has been executed by Messrs. A. P. Blundell, Taylor & Co., with remarkable accuracy.
To the subscribers my special thanks are due for the trust they have been good enough to repose in me. The issue of the volume has been delayed owing to my desire that it should be as complete as possible, and to being able to devote only my spare the work.
H. D. McW.
August, 1910.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
IXTRODl'CTIOX xxi
PART I.
PAPER
I.— Extract from Letter : Secretary at War to General Clayton i
II.— Letter: Do. to Lord Sempill . i
HI.— Letter: Do. to Do. 2
IV.— Letter: Do. to General Guest 2
V. — Marching Order to Highland Regiment, with Route . 3
VI. — Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to Officer commanding
Highland Regiment 4
VII.— Extract from Letter: Secretary at War to Earl of Stair 5
VIII. — Marching Order to Highland Regiment ... 5
IX. -Letter: Secretary at War to General Wade . . 6
X. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 6
XI. — Marching Order to Highland Regiment ... 7
XII.— Extract from Letter: Duke of Newcastle to Lord
Carteret 8
XIII.— Extract from Letter : Secretary at War to Earl of Stair 8 XIV. — State of Highland Regiment as reviewed on Finchley
Common 9
XV. — Marching Order to Highland Regiment ... 11 XVI. — Letter : Captain Anthony Renkine to Officer commanding
Highland Regiment at Barnct .... n
XVII. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 12 XVIII.— Letter : Lord Sempill to Secretary at War, with Return
of Deserters 15
XIX.— Letter : Captain Dugald Campbell to Secretary at War 16
XX.— Letter: Sir Robert Munro to Lord Sempill . . 17
XXI.— Letter: Captain D. Campbell to Sir Robert Munro . 18
XXII.— Letter: Do. to Do. . 18
XXIII.— Letter : Colonel William Douglas to Secretary at War 19
XXW.— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 20
XXV.— Letter : Secretary at War to Sir R. Munro ... 23
XXVI.— Letter : Do. to Colonel Douglas . . 24
CONTENTS.
PAPER PAGE
XXVII.— Letter : Colonel Douglas to Secretary at War . 25
XXVIII. — Letter: Secretary at War to Major George Grant . 26
XXIX.— Letter : Major Grant to Secretary at War ... 26 XXX. — Secretary at War's Note of his Interview with Captain
James Colquhoun 27
XXXI.— Letter : Secretary at War to Major Grant ... 28
XXXII.— Letter : Do. to General Guest . . 29 XXXIII. — Letter : Do. to Lieutenant-Governor of
Berwick and Command- ing Officer of General
Clayton's Regiment there 29
XXXIV.— Letter : Do. to Commanding Officer of
two companies of same
Regiment at Newcastle . 29
XXXV. — Letter : Do. to Officer commanding Gar- rison of Carlisle . . 30
XXXVI. — Letter : Do. to Officer commanding Lord
Mark Kerr's Regiment of
Dragoons . . . . 31
XXXVII.— Letter : Do. to Postmaster at Dartford . 32
XXXVIII.— Marching Order to Colonel Edward Wolfe . . 32
XXXIX.— Letter : Major Grant to Secretary at War ... 33
XL. — Letter : Secretary at War to Major Grant ... 34
XLL— Letter : Colonel Wolfe to Secretary at War . . 34
XLII.— Letter : Secretary at War to Colonel Wolfe . . 35
XLIIL— Letter : Sir R. Munro to Secretary at War ... 36
XLIV. — Letter : Secretary at War to Lord Carteret ... 37
XLV. — Extract from Letter : Marquis of Tweeddale to Lord
Carteret 37
XLVI. — Extract from Letter : Duke of Newcastle to Lord
Carteret 38
XLVII. — Extract from Letter : Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret ........ 39
XLVIII.— Letter : Sir R. Munro to Lord Sempill ... 43
XLIX. — Return of Highland Regiment at Dartford ... 45
L. — Letter : Ensign Gilbert Stewart to Lord Sempill . 46 LI. — Letter : Agent of Highland Regiment to Secretary at
War 46
LII. — Letter : Colonel Wolfe to Secretary at War . . 47
LIII— Letter : Sir R. Munro to Do. . . 48
LIV.— Letter: General Blakeney to Do. . . 48
CONTENTS.
XI
PAPER
LV.-
LVI.-
LVIL-
LVIII.-
I.IX.—
LX.- LXlr
LXII.- I.XIII.- LXIV.-
LXV.-
I.XYI.-
I.XVII.-
LXVIII.-
I.XIX.-
I.X.X.-
LXXI.-
LXXII.-
I.XXIII.- I.XXIV.-
-Letter -Letter -Letter -Letter -Letter -Letter
I.XXV I.XXVI LXXVII.-Letter
Letter : Major John Creed to Duke of Montagu . Letter: Do. to Do. .
Letter: Do. to Major Charles Otway .
Letter: Major Otway to Secretary at War, with Reply
of Highlanders
Reply of Highlanders to Major Otway, and Memorandum
of Captain Renkine
Letter : Major Otway to Duke of Montagu Capt. Renkine to Do.
Corporal Samuel McPherson (?) to Major Creed Major Creed to the Highlanders Sir R. Munro to Secretary at War . Transport Contractor's Agent to Sir R. Munro Quartermaster John Forbes to Do.
Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices Letter : Secretary at War to General Blnkeney . Extract from Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to
Lord Chancellor Hardwicke
Letter : Secretary at War to Lord Sempill . Letter: I' • to Mayor of St. Albans
Letter: Do. to an Excise Officer at
Royston
Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices
•Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Towrr
-Letter: Secretary at War to General Rlakeney . •Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to General Blakeney Secretary at War to Officer commanding Garrison of Berwick .
LX XVIII.— Letter: LXXIX.— Letter:
I.X XX. -Letter:
LXXXI LXXXII
—Letter : — Extract from Carteret
Do. to Officer commanding
Garrison of Carlisle .
Do. to Officer commanding
Lord M. Kerr's Regi- ment at Preston
Do. to Officer commanding
two companies of General Clayton's Regiment at Newcastle
Do. to General Guest .
Letter : Duke of Newcastle to Lord
PAGE 50 5°
52
53 54 55 55 56 56 57 58 59 62
63 63 64
64
68 69 70
70-71
xii CONTENTS.
PAPER PAGE
LXXXIIL— Letter : Sir R. Munro to Secretary at War . 72
LXXXIV.— Letter : Colonel Wolfe to Do. ... 72 LXXXV. — Extract from Letter: Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret 73
. LXXXVI.— Letter : Lord Sempill to Secretary at War ... 75
LXXXVII. — Return of Highland Regiment as embarked on 24th May 75
LXXXVIII.— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 76 LXXXIX. — Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to Master- General
of Ordnance . 78 XC.— Letter: Do. to Secretary at
War 78
XCI. — Marching Order for Detachment of First Regiment of
Foot-Guards 79
XCII. — Order to Constable of Tower to receive Deserters . 79 XCIII.— Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to Wm. Sneyd,
informer of Farquhar Shaw's capture ... 80
XCIV. — Marching Order for Detachment of First Foot-Guards 81
XCV.— Letter: General Guest to Secretary at War . 81
XCVI. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 82
XCVII. — Letter: Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Tower . . 84 XCVIII.— Letter : Do. to Master- General
of Ordnance . 84 XCIX.— Letter : Do. to Constable of
Tower 85
C. — Extract from Letter : Secretary at War to Lord
Carteret 85
CI. — Extract from Letter : Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret 86
CII. — Letter : Lord Carteret to Secretaries of Lords Justices 86
CIII. — Petition of Highlanders to Lords Justices ... 87
CIV. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 88
CV. — Order for General Court-Martial at Tower ... 89
CVI. — Letter: Secretary at War to P. Bold, an informer .)
CVIL— Letter : Do. to R. Lowe Do. .) 9°~91
CVIII. — Letter : Lord Carteret to Secretaries of Lords Justices 91
CIX. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 92
CX. — Letter : Secretary at War to General Guest . . 92
CXI. — Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to Secretary of Lords
Justices 93
CXII. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 93
CONTEXTS. xiii
PAPER PAGE
CXIII. — Letter: Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Tower . . 94
CXIV.— Letter: Do. to Lord Sempill 94
CXV. — Letter : Lord Carteret to Secretaries of Lords Justices 95
CXVL— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 95 CXVII.— Extract from Letter: Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret 96
CXVIIL— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 96 CXIX.— Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Tower . . 97 L XX.— Letter: Do. to Captain John
Munro 98
L XXI.— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 98
CXXIL— Order for Court-Martial for trial of three Highlanders 99 CXXIII.— Letter: Secretaries of Lords Justices to Lord
Carteret ... 100
CXXIV.— Letter: Lord Carteret to Duke of Newcastle . . 101
I' XXV.— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . 102 L XXVI.— Extract from letter: Duke of Newcastle to Lord
Carteret 103
CXXVIL— Extract from Letter: Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret 103
CXXVIIL— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . 104 CXXIX.— Extract from Letter: Duke of Newcastle to Lord
Carteret 105
CXXX.— Extract from Letter: Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret 105
CXXX L— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 107 CXXXII.— Letter: Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Tower 108
CXXX I II.— Letter: Secretary at War to Judge-Advocate-General 109 CXXXIV. — Order for Execution of Corporals Samuel and Malcolm
McPherson and Private Farquhar Shaw . . no CXXXV.— Extract from Letter : Secretaries of Lords Justices to
Lord Carteret in
CXXXVL— Marching Order for Detachment of Foot-Guards . in CXXXVII.— Letter: Deputy Secretary at Wai to Keeper of Savoy
Prison . . 112 C.XXXVIH.— Letter : Do. to Constable of
Tower ua
CXXX IX.— Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 113
XIV
CONTENTS.
PAPER PAGE
CXL. — Marching Order (with Route) for Detachment of
Highland Regiment 114
CXLI. — Letter: Lord Carteret to Secretaries of Lords Justices 115 CXLII. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 116
CXLIII. — Memorial of Agent of Highland Regiment to Secretary
at War 116
CXLIV. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 117
CXLV. — Advertisement promising Pardon to Deserters on
return to Regiment 118
CXLVI— Letter : Secretary at War to General Guest . . 118 CXLVII— Letter: Lord Carteret to Secretaries of Lords
Justices 119
CXLVIII. — Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices . . 120
CXLIX. — Letter: Secretary at War to Judge-Advocate-General 121
CL— Letter: Do. to Agent of Highland
Regiment . . . 122
CLI.— Letter: Do. (per E. Lloyd) to Agent of
Highland Regiment 123
CLII. — Extract from Minute Book of Lord Justices .. . 123
CLIII. — Warrant for incorporating 13 men into Regiments at
Minorca 124
CLIV. — Warrant for incorporating 13 men into Regiments at
Gibraltar 125
CLV. — Warrant for incorporating 38 men into Generah
Oglethorpe's Regiment in Georgia . . .!
CLVI. — Warrant for incorporating 38 men into General [
Dalzell's Regiment in Leeward Islands . J
CLVII. — Letter : Secretary at War to General Francis Fuller
(Gibraltar) .
CLVIII. — Letter : Do. to General Francis Colum-
bine (Gibraltar) CLIX— Letter: Do. to Colonel Thomas Fowke
(Gibraltar) . CLX. — Letter: Do. to General George Read
(Minorca) CLXI. — Letter: Do. to Colonel John Wynyard
(Minorca) CLXIL— Letter : Do. to Colonel Richard O'Farrell
(Minorca)
CLXIII.— Letter : Do. to Colonel William Graham (Minorca) ./
128-129
CONTENTS.
xv
PAPER
CLXIY.
CLXV.— Letter
CLXVI.— Letter
CLXVIL— Letter
PAGE
CLXVIIL—
CLXIX.- CLXX,
Letter: Secretary at War to Agent of General Philip
Anstruther's Regiment (Minorca)
Do. to Agent of Colonel Daniel
Houghton's Regiment (Gibraltar) .
Do. to Agent of General William
Hargrave's Regiment (Gibraltar) . . .j
Do. to Agent of General James
Oglethorpe's Regiment (Georgia) . to General* Dalzell (Lee%vard
Do.
Ad-
CLXXI.-Letter
CLXXIL- CLXXIIL-
CLXXIV.- CLXXV.- CLXXVI. CLXXVIL- CLXXVIIL- CLXXIX. CLXXX CLXXXl.
CLXXXIL-Lcttcr CLXXXIH.-Letter
CLXXX IV CLXXX V
CLXXXVI CLXXXVH
Letter :
Islands)
Extract from Minute Book of Lords Justices Letter: Secretary at War to First Secretary of
miralty to Agent of General Ogle-
thorpe's Regiment to General Dalzell to Agent of Highland
Regiment . to General Columbine to General Read to General Fuller to Colonel Fowke to Colonel O'Farrell . to Colonel Graham to Colonel Wynyard . to Agent of General Mar- grave's Regiment to Agent of General An- struther's Regiment . to Agent of Colonel Hough- ton's Regiment . to General Guest Promise of Pardon to
-Letter : -Letter :
-Letter : -Letter : -Letter : -Letter : -Letter : -Letter : -Letter : -Letter:
Do.
Do. Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do
Do.
Do.
Do.
Do. Do.
Do.
renewing
129-130
'3'
132
133 >34
>35 135
135-136
—Letter :
— Advertisement
Deserters . ...»*..... — Letter : Secretary of Lords Justices to Constable of
Tower
—Letter: Secretary at War to General Oglethorpe
136
136 '37
138 138
xvni
CONTENTS.
V. — Letter : Secretary at War to Lord Sempill . VI. — Order to General Blakeney to pursue Highlanders VII. — Marching Order for Detachment of Horse- Grenadier Guards .........
VIII. — Advertisement as to the Mutiny and Desertion . IX. — Preliminary Order for Detachment of ist and 2nd Foot- Guards ........
X. — Preliminary Order for Detachment of Horse-Guards . XI. — Marching Order to Detachment of ist Foot-Guards . XII. — Marching Order to Detachment of Horse-Guards XIII. — Marching Order for Detachment to convey James'
McDonald to Savoy Prison
XIV. — Marching Order for Detachment to convey Peter
McAlpin alias Patrick McGrigor to Savoy Prison
XV. — Route of Forces ordered to go after the Highlanders
XVI. — Comparison of General Wade's Return of the Highland
Regiment with the Return from Greenwich XVII. — Marching Order for Detachment of General Wentworth's Regiment to convey Farquhar Shaw to Tower . XVIII. — Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to an Excise Officer
at Royston
XIX. — Marching Order for Detachment of Foot- Guards re James McDonald and Peter McAlpin alias Patrick
McGrigor
XX. — Marching Order for Detachment of Lord Mark Kerr's
Regiment of Dragoons re William Fraser XXI. — Marching Order for Detachment of Lord Mark Kerr's Regiment of Dragoons re William Fraser, Donald McGrigor and Donald Cameron .
XXII. — Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to General Guest . XXIII. — Letter: Secretary of Lords Justices to Lords Com- missioners of Treasury ......
XXIV. — Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to Keeper of
Northampton Gaol XXV.— Letter: Do. to an Excise
Officer at Royston
XXVI.— Order to Recruit the Highland Regiment . XXVII. — Petition of Patrick McGrigor to Secretary at War XXVIII.— Letter : Deputy Secretary at War to an Excise Officer at Royston
PAGE 217
218
218
218 219
219
22O
22O
221
221
222
222
222
223 224
224
225
225
225 226
227
ILLUSTRATIONS.
BRIGADIER-GENERAL LORD SEMPILL Frontispiece
COLONEL SIR ROBERT MUNRO or FOULIS, BART. . . .To face page 43
CORPORAL SAMUEL MACPUERSON „ 56
MUTINEERS MARCHING TO THE TOWER UNDER GUARD . „ 81
EXECUTION OF CORPORALS SAMUEL AND MALCOLM MACPIIERSOX
AND PRIVATI FARQUHAR SHAW . . „ 113
CORPORAL MALCOLM MACPHERSON . ,,169
CORPORAL SAMUEL MACPHERSON . 177
PIPER DONALD MACDONALD . » 193
PRIVATE FARQUHAR SHAW .... . ,,205
INTRODUCTION.
I.
" It is the pibroch's call. Its war notes wildly stream. See clansmen marching all ! See claymores flashing gleam I "
—Sir William Allan.
In order to rightly appreciate the causes which led to the mutiny in Lord Sempill's Highland Regiment in the year 1743, it is necessary to recall the circumstances which occasioned the establishment in the Highlands of those independent companies which acquired the now famous designation of " The Black Watch," and were formed into a regiment in the year 1739.
The raising of these companies, six in number, was authorised by George I. on i2th May 1725, as the result of General Wade's Report of the previous year, which recommended,
" That companies of such Highlanders as are well affected to His Majesty's Government be established under proper regulations, and commanded by officers speaking the language of the country, subject to martial law, and under the inspection and orders of the Governors of Fort William and Inverness, and the officer commanding His Majesty's forces in those parts.
" That the said companies be employed in disarming the Highlanders, preventing depredations, bringing criminals to justice, and hinder rebells and attainted persons from inhabiting that part of the kingdom."
Here it may be remarked that at least a century before this period — namely in 1624— companies were raised in the Highlands
c
xxii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
for somewhat similar purposes,1 and this method of dealing with the disordered state of the country seems to have been resorted to from time to time down to the reign of George I. by whose orders, in the year 1717, the three independent companies then on the establishment were disbanded. These early companies, which were commonly called "The Watch" or "The Highland Watch " from the nature of their duties, must, clearly, be distin- guished from the six companies raised in 1725 ; the latter, on account of the dark tartan adopted by them (in pursuance of General Wade's order that a uniform tartan should be worn), becoming known locally as " The Black Watch " or Am Freiceadan Dubh, with which, therefore, begins the glorious history of the Regiment.
General Stewart is undoubtedly in error in stating that these six companies wore the tartans of their respective commanding officers ;2 it being clear from contemporary documents that a uniform tartan was worn ; and that tartan was, no doubt, the well-known " Black Watch " or " Forty-Second " tartan ; no alteration, therefore, was necessary, or was made, on the companies being regimented in I73Q.3
Each of the Clans Campbell, Grant, and Munro, lays claim to the Black Watch tartan ; and this circumstance really confirms what has been above stated as to a uniform tartan being worn by the six companies, It is beyond the scope of this volume to discuss at length these claims, but the explanation is probably simple enough. The Black Watch tartan being largely worn by members of the three clans in question, and being also, no doubt, made in their respective districts, would, after a time, and certainly after the period of suppression succeeding the
1 Dr. Dugald Mitchell's Hist, of Highlands, p. 595.
* The General's statement would probably be correct if applied to the three companies disbanded in 1717, and respecting which he, apparently, had no information.
5 Every allowance should be made for errors on General Stewart's part ; it must be remembered that he wrote just on a century after the raising of the six companies, and that (all the records being lost) he was dependent entirely on hearsay evidence.
INTRODUCTION. xxiii
" Forty-five," become liable to be confused with or be mistaken for, the tartan or one of the tartans of either of the three clans.
Lord Archibald Campbell writes as to the claim of the Clan Campbell :
" I have often said, in another work on this question, that throughout the Campbell country "Black Watch" and Campbell Clan colours are synonymous ; in the Campbell country the women call the " Forty-Second " and Campbell identical. When the late Campbell of Islay was first measured for the Highland dress and first tartaned, the piper, a Campbell belonging to the family, went with him and picked out the correct Campbell Tartan, which was wliat Islay wore from that day forth ; this piper's ancestor fought at Culloden. Campbell of Islay always declared " Forty-Second " and Campbell were one and the same thing, and if any one knew the correct sett it was this same piper.
"The Campbell Tartan, identified by the late Mrs. Lilias Davidson, n>'e Campbell, as having been the same as worn by her Jacobite ancestor at Culloden, was the same as worn by Campbell of Islay, his father, Walter Campbell, and by all the Campbell gentry who used and now use the common Clan Campbell sett. This sett is also ahcays worn by the present Chief » of the Campbells.
"The same sett was to be seen at the Edinburgh Military Exhibition in some old tartan dresses there exhibited. . . .
" I have been at pains to prove that the Campbell plaid or Clan colours worn at Culloden is the same as worn now, and in dealing with this subject it is impossible to avoid speaking of the ' Forty-Second.' No Campbell need blush to wear the same Tartan used by the ' Forty-Second ' Regiment, and the Regiment need not blush to be assured they wear what the Jacobite Campbell of I.ochnell wore on the bloody field of Culloden."1
On the whole, the claim of the Clan Campbell would seem to be well founded ; taking into consideration, in particular, the fact that three out of the six commanding officers appointed on the raising of the six companies in 1725 were Campbells; they probably had little difficulty in satisfying the other three, repre- senting the Clans Grant, Fraser, and. Munro, that they (the
1 The late Duke of Argyll.
1 Tht CHiUre* of tht Mitt. pp. 19-20.
C 2
xxiv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
Campbells) had the best right to say what tartan should be selected for the uniform of all the companies.1
Having regard to the objects for which the six companies were established, it is plain that their services were to be of a purely local nature ; but in view of the importance of the question in considering the subject of this volume, the statements of some contemporary writers follow. The Rev. Mr. Campbell, a minister of the Church of Scotland, in a pamphlet published in London in 1743, after the mutiny, observes:—
" When this levy was made, the officers took a special care that none should be enlisted into that service but the sons of the wealthiest and most reputable farmers in the country ; and the second and younger sons of some of the lesser vassals were not ashamed to enlist in a service calculated for restoring of peace, and establishing liberty and property in this country. And as they were allowed to occupy their own farms, or follow any other occupation, except upon muster days, or when they were actually employed in pursuit of robbers, or disturbers of the public peace, they, instead of receiving bounty money, made interest with the officer to be admitted. In this shape they continued till they were regimented, under the command of the honourable the Earl of Crawford, a nobleman whose character was every way agreeable to them, and made little or no alteration in their circumstances.
" When we have taken this view of their original and history down to the period of their being regimented, it will be no matter of surprize to find the private men of that Regiment differing much in their manners from those of other corps, if we consider that when they entered the service it was impossible for them to have the least apprehensions of ever being obliged to leave their own country where most of them had farms or other concerns, and looked upon themselves, and I believe were esteemed by the country, only as a regulated militia, at least till such time as they were regimented, which was only a few years ago."
The anonymous author of " A Short History of the Highland Regiment," also published in London in 1743, after referring to the
1 On the regimenting in 1739, four out of the ten companies were given to Campbells, viz. : — Colin Campbell yr. of Monzie ; John Campbell of Carrick ; Colin Campbell of Baltimore ; and Dugal Campbell of Craignish. Had any question then arisen respecting the tartan, the voice of Clan Campbell should still have prevailed ; nor should it be forgotten that the Earl of Crawford was a grand-nephew of the Dowager Duchess of Argyle and lived with her Grace in Kintyre after the death of his father ; and that he obtained a captaincy in the Scots Greys commanded by General Sir John Campbell. His Campbell sympathies were therefore, doubtless, strong.
INTRODUCTION*. xxv
services rendered in 1725 by one of the newly raised companies in connection with the Malt Tax Riots, remarks :
" From this time forward the independent Highland companies were made use of upon all occasions, and acted with great spirit, whenever they were called to it, in the service of the Crown or the Administration, of which many instances might be given. This contributed not a little to heighten the good opinion they had of themselves, and to confirm them in their notions that they were particularly destined for the sen-ice of that country, for keeping under the Jacobite interest, and for promoting as far as they were able the Protestant cause, and the authority of the present Government, in all which they were unfeignedly hearty ; and if they were sometimes zealous beyond the degree of their knowledge, yet as they acted in simplicity of mind, and with a very upright intention, this could not lessen their title to the favour of those they so strenuously served. . . .
"The men of which these independent companies were composed looked upon themselves as a kind of guardians to their country, friends to the Protestant religion, and voluntiers in the service of the royal family ; for as to their pay, it was in truth very inconsiderable, and the very meanest of them served in iome measure out of zeal to the Whig cause. This will be the easier understood, when I observe, that the famous Lord Lovat, who had so signally distinguished himself in the year 1715, had the command of one of these companies, which he raised almost entirely out of his own clan of the Frazers ; and it was the same with the rest ; so that this gave great life and spirit to the friends of the present establishment, and not only secured them from any appre- hensions of what might be undertaken by the dissaffected Highlanders, but so dispirited and dejected these, that they have never recovered themselves since, but are sinking apace into as tame and abject a condition as their most inveterate enemies could wish to see them. Such were the effects of this new law, and new militia. . . .
" It is most certain that they always looked upon themselves from the time they were first raised as a corps destined to serve in Scotland, or rather in the Highlands, and nowhere else. . . . The manner of raising them in the first place seemed to countenance this ; the Jacobite clans were disarmed to preserve the quiet of the nation, and because the Government could never be entirely safe whilst they had arms in their hands ; but to strengthen the security, and to put the peace of the Highlands past hazard, the arms taken from those Highlanders were given to these, whence they inferred that tt»e> were to be the guards of the Highlands. In the next place, they laid great stress upon their habit ; to what purpose, said they, are we clothed like Highlanders, if we arc not to be employed in the Highlands ; here indeed the dress is equally fit and commodious ; it has a
xxvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
martial air, and it enables us to do our duty better ; but all these reasons will cease elsewhere. . . . Lastly, their having certain particularities to their country, such as being the tenants of those who first raised them, speaking little or no English, having houses and families in the Highlands, all which were good securities for their fidelity in those parts, which they improved into an argument that it was impossible they should be employed in any other.
" When these things are impartially considered, one cannot at all wonder that folks like them should be deceived by these colourings, especially if we reflect that their passion for staying at home, which, contrary to our 1 notion, is predominant among the Highlanders, was flattered thereby. Besides, there is another thing that ought to be taken into consideration, and that is, that at the time they were first raised there was no small mixture of their own customs with the military establishment, for an independent company with an Highland chief at its head has something in it very like the military service of a clan, only sanctified by legal authority. I will not say, because I do not know it to be true, that many of these men entered into the service out of pure respect to their chiefs, though this is exceedingly probable, and if so, they looked upon them- selves undoubtedly as a kind of loyal volunteers, who had taken up arms, pro aris et focis, and quite different people from soldiers of fortune, who fight anywhere, and in any cause, for so much a day. I do not say that these are things which would, or which ought to excuse other men, but I believe I may safely appeal to the whole people of Scotland, and to such English gentlemen as are well acquainted with that country, whether there is anything in nature more likely than that these suppositions appeared self-evident truths to these men."
Then General Stewart, in his well-known "Sketches,"2 quotes from another contemporary account of the mutiny :
" From their first formation they had always considered themselves as destined to serve exclusively in Scotland, or rather in the Highlands, and a special compact was made, allowing the men to retain their ancient national garb. From their origin and their local attachments they seemed destined for this special service. Besides, in the discipline to which they were at first subjected under their natural chiefs and superiors, there was much affinity with their ancient usages, so that their service seemed merely that of a clan, sanctioned by legal authority. These and other considerations strengthened them in the belief that their duty was of a defined and specific nature, and that they were never to be amalgamated with the regular disposable force of the
1 The writer appears to have been an Englishman. 1 1822, i, 254-255.
INTRODUCTION/. xxvii
country. As they were deeply impressed with this belief, it was quite natural that they should regard with great jealousy and distrust any indication of a wish to change the system. Accordingly, when the design of marching them into England was first intimated to their officers, the men were not shy in protesting against this unexpected measure."1
In view of the foregoing, it is not surprising to find later writers practically unanimous in taking the part of the men, and condemning the action of the Government, Mr. Archibald Forbes apparently standing alone in his attempt to defend the latter. Thus Hume writes,
" Before they were embarked, a number of them deserted with their arms on pretence that they had been decoyed into the service by promises and assurances that they should never be sent abroad ; and this teas really the can."*
Grose remarks,
"Some of the chiefs in raising these companies had given them promises they were not authorised by Government to make ; among other inducements to enlist, thus improperly held forth, it is said, the men were assured they should not go out of their own country ; under the faith of this promise many reputable fanners and yeomen's sons entered themselves as privates in the corps who would not otherwise have thought of enlisting."*
General Stewart writes,
" From the evidence of eye-witnesses, and of those who wrote and published at the time, it appears evident that the men considered their service and engagements of a local nature, not to extend beyond Scotland, nor even beyond the Highland boundary." *
Mr. Archibald Forbes, however, pleads the cause of the Government on the ground that there is nothing to indicate that the enlistment of the men of the Black Watch was other than normal, or that it was accompanied by any other than the
1 The writer was ma Englishman, Sketches, i, 262. ' Hiit. of Eng. xi. 164 ; the italics are mine. — Ei>. 1 Mil. Anttqt. (1801). i. 164. 4 Skttchtt, i. 262.
xxviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS
ordinary conditions expressed in the Regulations.1 Even assuming that their enlistment was normal, surely the objects for which the independent companies were constituted ought to be specially regarded in an impartial consideration of the subject ; and these companies having been raised for purely local purposes, it follows that the men enlisting therein would assume — as they most certainly did, and as we think they were perfectly entitled to do — that their services would be absolutely restricted to such purposes. Moreover, if any doubt at all existed in the minds of the men as to this, it would have been finally dispelled by the positive assurances which, according to contemporary writers, were given them by their officers, that they would not be required to leave the Highlands. The regimenting of the companies in 1739 seems to have raised no suspicion in the minds of the men then enlisted, or of those who subsequently joined the Regiment, that any change in the nature of their duties was intended thereby ; and as to this General Stewart writes,
" There are grounds for believing that when these men were regimented the measure was represented to them as merely a change of name and officers, with the additional benefit of more regular pay and duty, under which arrangement they were to continue, as usual, the watch of the country." 3
It is apprehended, in any event, that the men would not necessarily have thought of associating the change with the idea of foreign service, seeing that there was, at that time, quite a number of independent companies serving abroad.
But Mr. Forbes takes some pains to defend the action of the Government — urging that the men of the Black Watch could not well be ignorant that long before the Union numerous Scottish regiments had been serving abroad, and that some were still serving on the Continent. We cannot follow this argument of Mr. Forbes ; the regiments he refers to were not raised for local purposes, being ordinary marching regiments, the men enlisting
1 The Black Watch, p. 14. 8 Sketches, i. 249-250.
INTRODUCTION. xxix
therein expecting to be sent abroad in the usual course. What had the Black Watch, so indispensable to the welfare of the Highlands, to do with foreign wars? Since 1725 the duties for which the six companies were raised, had been performed, and, in the interval, the now famous designation had been acquired ; the Black Watch was identified with the Highlands; the position of the Regiment was unique; and the men believed themselves to be soldiers of the King for exclusive service in the Highlands. Dr. Dugald Mitchell strikes the right note in his " History of the Highlands and Gaelic Scotland," where he remarks, " When they took their places in the ranks it was not with the intention of offering themselves for service in other lands."
In these circumstances there seems no reason to conclude that the assurances alleged to have been received by the men, though perhaps not authorised by the Government, were not given in good faith. In this connection the author of the "Short History" remarks respecting the suggestion that the men might have been better informed by their officers :
"A little reflection will be sufficient to show that there is no strength in this objection at all. For we are to consider that their officers were of the same nation, and from their views of interest, and even from their attachment to the Government, the least likely to undeceive them, since before they were ordered to march southward, this must have appeared a very innocent error, and attended rather with good than bad consequences. I say this on a supposition that their officers knew it to be an error, which is carrying the thing as far as can be, since in all human probability, the officers thought in this respect like the private men."
But Mr. Forbes writes on this point,
M It is probable enough Uiat the men of the Black Watch expected — their •fficers could not have shared the expectation1— that they would not be required to quit their own country." *
1 The italics are minr— ED. 1 Tht Black Watth. p. 14.
xxx THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
If Mr. Forbes' dictum be accepted, then the assurances alleged to have been given to the men by their officers by no means redound to the credit of the latter. The Government, when author- ising the regimenting of the companies, probably realized that an intimation of the intention to utilize the Regiment for foreign service would result in the loss of many of the men, especially those of the better class, and prevent many others from enlisting ; so, instead of giving such of the old members as might, in the altered circumstances, desire it, an opportunity of retiring ; and plainly apprizing intending recruits of the footing on which the new Regiment stood, an absolute silence was maintained ; and this reprehensible behaviour on the part of the Government, which unquestionably paved the way for the mutiny, may, perhaps, be held to exonerate the officers in respect of the assurances alleged to have been given to the men.
The author of the " Short History " very pertinently remarks,
" If, indeed, on the breaking of the old corps, and uniting all the Highlanders in a regiment, they had been clothed like the rest of the army ; and told, when the Articles of War were read to them, that they were to consider themselves for the future simply as a marching regiment, this had been sufficient to have prevented all that hath followed since."
The terms of this quotation from the work of an Englishman who claimed to write impartially— and no one who peruses his book will accuse him of partiality for the Highlanders — constitute alike, in our view, an indictment of the Government, and a defence for the mutineers, which readers inclined to share the exceptional view taken by Mr. Forbes respecting the Government's tactics will, it is thought, experience some difficulty in successfully resisting.
The six independent companies, with four newly raised companies, were regimented pursuant to a Royal Warrant addressed to the Earl of Crawford, dated, according to the War Office Records, 7th November, 1739. It is to be observed that the Warrant printed in General Stewart's "Sketches,"1 and elsewhere,
1 i, 244.
INTRODUCTION. xxxi
is dated 25th October, 1739, and differs in one or two important respects from the former, which on this account is printed here, together with an order of the same date to Lord Crawford to complete the Regiment : —
GEORGE R.
WHEREAS We have thought fit that a Regiment of Foot be forthwith formed under your Command and to consist of Ten Companies, each to contain One Captain, One Lieutenant, One Ensign, Three Serjeants, Three Corporals, Two Drummers,1 and Seventy* effective private Men, which said Regiment shall be partly formed out of Our Six independent Companys of Foot in the Highlands of North Britain, Three of which are now commanded by Captains and Three by Captain-Lieut" OUR WILL AND PLEASURE THEREFORE is, that One Serjeant, One Corporal, and Fifty private Men, be forthwith taken out of the Three Companys commanded by Captains, and Ten private Men only taken out of the Three commanded by Captain- Lieutenants, making One Hundred and Eighty private Men, who are to be equally distributed into the Four Companys hereby to be raised ; And the Three Serjeants and Three Corporals to be draughted as aforesaid, to be placed to such of the Four Companys as you shall judge proper; and the Remainder of the Non-Commission Officers and private Men wanting to complete them to the above said numbers, to be raised3 with all possible expedition ; ' which said Regiment shall commence and take Place according to the Establishment thereof. And of these Our Orders and Com- mands, You and the said Three Captains and Three Captain-Lieuts. command- ing at present the Six respective independent Highland companys, and all others concerned, are to take Notice and yield Obedience thereunto accordingly. GIVEN at Our Court at S' James's this 7* Day of November 1739, in the Thirteenth Year of Our Reign.*
By His Majesty's Command,
WILL : YOXGE.
To Our Right Trusty and Right welbeloved Cousin John, Earl of Crawford.
GEORGE R.
WHEREAS We have thought fit that a Regiment of Foot be forthwith formed under your Command, and consist of Ten Companys, each to contain One Captain, One Lieutenant, One Ensign, Three Serjeants, Three Corporals,
1 I.e.. one piper and one drummer.
1 In <.er,l Stewart's work the number is one linnitmi.
' In Genl. Stewart's work the words "in the Highlands " are inserted here.
• In the tame work the words "the men to be natives of that country, and none other
to be taken" follow here. 1 This Warrant according to the War Office Records was "delivered to Mr. Rutherford."
xxxii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
Two Drummers, and Seventy effective private men, which said Regiment shall be partly formed out of Our Six Independent Companys of Foot in the Highlands of North Britain THESE are therefore to Authorize you by Beat of Drumm or otherwise, to raise so many Voluntiers in any County or Part of Our Kingdom of Great Britain as are or shall be wanting to compleat the said Regiment to the numbers abovementioned. And all Magistrates, Justices of the Peace, Constables, and other Our Civill Officers whom it may concern, are hereby required to be Assisting unto you in providing quarters, impressing Carriages and otherwise as there shall be Occasion. GIVEN at Our Court at S' James's this 7th day of November 1739, in the Thirteenth year of Our Reign.
By His Majesty's Command,
WILL : YONGE.
To Our Right Trusty and Right Welbeloved Cousin John, Earl of Crawford, Colonel of a Regiment of Foot ; or to the Officer or Officers appointed by you to raise Voluntiers for Our said Regiment.
General Stewart does not state the source from which the text of the Warrant of 25th October was obtained ; and it seems curious that no notice of its issue appears in the War Office Records. The Warrant of yth November, in any case, may be assumed to have superseded it ; the number of private men in each company was certainly 70, not 100, whilst the omission from the later document of the words " in the Highlands," and " the men to be natives of that country, and none other to be taken," is significant having regard to the terms of the second order authorising Lord Crawford to raise volunteers in any part of Great Britain to complete the Regiment.
According to General Stewart the men were not assembled until May 1740; after which, for some fifteen months, they were stationed on the banks of the Tay and Lyon; and trained and exercised by their lieutenant-colonel, Sir Robert Munro. In January 1741 Lord Sempill succeeded the Earl of Crawford as colonel ; and in the winter of 1741-2 the Regiment was marched northward and sent in detachment to fulfil the duties formerly discharged by the six independent companies.1
1 Sketches, i, 246, 248.
INTRODUCTION. xxxiii
II.
" Farewell to Lochaber. and farewell, my Jean, Where beartsome wi' her I ha'e mony a day been ; For Lochaber no more, Lochaber no more, We'll may-be return to Lochaber no more."
— Allan Ramsay.
The first indication of the Government's intention to send the Black Watch abroad appears to be in a letter from the Secretary at War to General Clayton, commander-in-chief in Scotland, dated 2gth July 1742 j1 and although it is not actually stated that foreign service was the object of the march to the south, the General doubtless was fully conversant with the plans of the Government.* In fact, at this time, the Marquis of Tweeddale, then Secretary of State for Scotland, was in communication with the General and the celebrated Duncan Forbes of Culloden, Lord President of the Court of Session, as to measures for the preservation of the peace of the Highlands and the prevention of depredations;3 and about this same time, also, the General gave orders for the disposition of three companies of the Black Watch in Perthshire to prevent thieving, as appears from the fol- lowing extract from a letter written by Commissary Bissett to Mr. Humphry Harrison, printed in the " Chronicles of the Atholl and Tullibardine Families " (ii, 454) :—
"Kincraigie, July 20, 1742.
" Gen1 Clayton hath at last ordered Semple's Regiment to take care of the country against thieving, and I was at Weeni yesterday w1 Capt : Campbell, Monzie's son, concerting the proper passes where the men are to be posted, such as Badintibairt, Dalnaspidall, Dalchonzie, Drumachastle, Bridge of Kynachan, and Glengoulantie, and it is proposed that the Head-Quarters of the three companies are to be, one at Blair, one at Taybridge, and the third at Killin."
I.
1 Harry Munro. younger of Fouln. in a letter written. '• 1742 to his kinsman Gustavus Mnnro of Culrain observes: "Lord Sempill's Htcinent goes for Flanders, and in a vary short tim« we shall have • proclamation of war between us and ffrance " — W. Macgill s Old Rosiikire and Scotland, p. 248.
' C»llo4tn Pap*r,. CCXXXI ; CCXXXI1I IV
•
o*
*.., ,*•'
xxxiv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
The Government, therefore, though fully aware of the pro- tection needed by the country, had nevertheless decided to send the Highland Regiment to reinforce the army which had been sent to Flanders to support the House of Austria against the Elector of Bavaria and the King of France.
The news soon spread : thus in a letter dated igth August 1742, written from the residence, near Edinburgh, of Patrick Grant, Lord Elchies, we read :
" Lord Semple's Regiment is ordered up to be reviewed by the King on Hounslow Heath, and probably from thence to Flanders." l
A letter deprecating the Government's intention was addressed to General Clayton, apparently about the end of the same year by the Lord President which is of much interest, as it shows how indispensable were the services of the Black Watch to the Highlands, and the folly of the Government in neglecting to profit by the Lord President's warning. In view of its important bearing on the subject of the present volume the letter follows in extenso :—
Dear Sir,
When I first heard of the orders given to the Highland Regiment to march southwards, it gave me no sort of concern, because I supposed the intention was only to see them ; but as I have lately been assured that they are destined for foreign service I cannot dissemble my uneasiness at a resolution that may, in my apprehension, be attended with very bad consequences ; nor can I prevaill with myself not to communicate to you my thoughts on this subject, however late they may come ; because, if what I am to suggest has not been already under consideration, it's possible the resolution may be departed from, and if those, who see clearer and farther into such matters than I in my situation possibly can, are not moved with the apprehensions that alarm me, and shall think proper to persist in the measure, their doing so with their eyes open will go far to remove my fear ; and I am confident the liberty I am now taking, pretty much out of my sphere, cannot be misconstrued to proceed from any oyr cause than my unalterable regard for His Majestic and the peace of his kingdoms.
1 Alexr. Grant of Dalrachnie to Robert Grant of Tammore ; Original in Brit. Mus.
INTRODUCTION. xxxv
What moves me is, not the many disorders and depredations that naturally will ensue, upon the removeall of that regiment, in the northern parts of the countrey ; those consequences are too obvious not to have been thought of ; and I dare say (as the strongest equity requires) measures have been devised, and will be pursued, fit to prevent that evill ; but my apprehensions are of ane oyr and a much higher nature ; and to explain myself you must permit me to go a little out of my depth and to talk like a politician. If I am mistaken, and my supposalls have no foundation in truth or probability, I shall be very glad of it ; and in writeing thus I shall have done no more harm than to show my ignorance and my zeal.
I suppose, then, that the generous efforts His Majestic is makeing to preserve the libertys of Europe will provoke the invader of those libertys, and may produce a war with the Crown of France ; and I suppose in the next place, in case such a war happen, France may espouse the interest of the Pretender, and attempt, if not seriously to sett him on the throne, at least to make a very important diversion, at the expence of risquing a very few battalions. If there is no probability of such a rupture, or no danger that in such an event France may think of playing the game I have mentioned, what follows is useless ; and you may throw aside this letter without reading any more of it ; but then if there is any liklyhood that France may cnterprize what I dread, to me it wou'd seem in common prudence highly necessary not to facilitate that enterprize ; but, on the contrary, to do even-thing that might render it difficult, or rather impracticable.
I take it for granted that if there is any liklyhood of a rupture due care is and will be taken of England, by keeping such a body of troops in readiness as must be superior to any force that can be landed there ; which will prevent the attempt ; as the sending over a small body wou'd be, in effect, sending them to certain destruction ; since there cou'd be no hopes of their being joyned by any force in England to support them. But I beg that you may consider whether the case is the same in Scotland ; and if it is not what is then fittest to be done ? The case of Scotland, so far as I understand it is, that Jacobitism is at a very low pass, compared with what it was 30 years ago ; that the Pretender is very much out of men's thoughts ; that his antient adherents, who suffered for him, and who find themselves now tollerably at their ease, will consider well before they risque a second time ; and that, in all appearance, upon his own bottom he never will be able to cause the least disturbance in this countrey. But tho' this is (I verily believe) the case, yet I will not be so sanguine as to say, that the fire is totally extinguished ; that there is none oj it lurking under the embers, or even that what lurks may not possibly be blCFwn up into a flame, if France, besides words, which she has always ready, will give some money and the countenance of force ; I say, the countenance of force, because I fear a small
xxxvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
one, seconded with money and promises, might spirit up unthinking people, who cannot perfectly judge what force may be sufficient to secure the execution of the design.
If I am in the right in what I have suggested, put the case, that France, in alliance with the Pretender, shou'd, by his missionaries, back promises with money, and treat for ane insurrection upon their actual landing of troops ; and suppose, that, as she has of late been sparing of neither money nor troops, she shou'd fling half a dozen or half a score of battalions into the Highlands, a fond perdue, and that these shou'd be joyned by 3 or 4,000 banditti ; what sort of confusion must that make on the island ; what diversion to His Majestie's troops, what interruption to his designs ! The enterprise, I verily believe, wou'd at last be baffled, and the invaders wou'd be lost to France ; but still ane infinite deal of mischeiff wou'd be wrought, at a small expence to that Crown ; and this is what distinguishes ane attempt in the Highlands of Scotland, from one in any place to the southward. In the last, the invaders wou'd be swallowed up in a moment, if they did not come in numbers more than can well be conveyed at once without discovery ; in the first case, a small number wou'd suffice to raise, with those that might be brought to join them, a lasting and a very dangerous confusion.
Having thus stated to you the danger I dread, I must, in the next place, put you in mind, that the present system for securing the peace of the Highlands, which is the best I ever heard of, is by regular troops stationed from Inverness to Fort William, alongst the chain of lakes which in a manner divydes the Highlands, to command the obedience of the inhabitants of both sides, and by a body of disciplined Highlanders, wearing the dress and speaking the language of the countrey, to execute such orders as require expedition, and for which neither the dress nor the manner of the other troops are proper. These Highlanders, now regimented, were at first independent companys ; and tho' their dress, language, and manners, qualyfied them for secureing the low countrey against depredations, yet that was not the sole use of them ; the same qualitys fitted them for every expedition that required secrecy and dispatch ; they served for all purposes of hussars, or light horse, in a country where mountains and bogs render cavalry useless ; and if properly disposed over the Highlands, nothing that was commonly reported and believed by the High- landers cou'd be a secret to their commanders, because of their intimacy with the people, and the sameness of the language.
Now, Sir, lett me suppose, that France was to attempt ane insurrection in the Highlands, which must be prepared by emissarys sent to cajole, to cabale, to promise, to pay, to concert, &c., and by arms and ammunition imported and dispersed; and let me suppose this Highland Regiment properly disposed, and
INTRODUCTION". xxxvii
properly commanded, is it not obvious, that the operations of such emisarys must be discovered, if not transacted with the outmost secrecy ; that the Highlanders who suffered themselves to be tampered with by them, must do so under the strongest apprehensions of being taken by the neck by detachments of that regiment, if their treason were heard of; and that, of course, they must be shy of meeting or transacting with the agent of the Pretender, or of caballing, mustering their followers, or receiveing or distributeing arms.
Now, on the other hand, lett me suppose the same attempt to be made, and the Highland Regiment in Flanders ; lett me beg to know, what chance cou'd you have of discovering or preventing the effect of any tampering in the Highlands. Cou'd any officer, or other person trusted by the Government, go through the mountains with ane intention to discover such intrigues with safety ? NVou'd the Pretender's emissarys, or the Highlanders who might favour them, be in any apprehension from the regular troops ? Cou'-d you propose, with any probability of success, to seize arms or attainted persons? Nay, suppose the Government had direct intelligence of the projects carried on, where, and by whom, cou'd they hope to surprise, or lay hold of, any one person ? These questions, I dare say, you can easily answer, and, with me, can see, that if France shou'd stumble upon such a design as I have been supposing, — remove but that regiment, and there is nothing to hinder the Agents of that Crown to have their full swing, and to tamper with the poor unthinking people of the Highlands, with as great safety as if there were no Government at all in the Island. I will say more, I doubt not but in many places of that country, if the people could be prevailed with to rebel, they might receive arms, and be in some sort disciplined, for many weeks before the Government cou'd have certain notice of it.
As, therefore, I think removeing the regiment I speak of, is removeing one of the principall obstructions to the mischieff I dread the most, on the supposall of ane open rupture with France, I have taken the liberty of bringing my thoughts on that subject together, and laying them before you, to the end you may make such use of them, as to you shall seem most proper. If you think of this matter as I do, and find it necessary, you may mention it to the King as a suggestion of mine ; he may find fault with my timidity, or want of judgment in things of this nature ; but he will remember so much of me as to believe, that the hint I presume to give proceeds from duty to him, and from that only.
I wish you may be able to read my wretched hand writeing ; but the subject wou'd not permit me to make use of any other. My service to the
Major.1
-f- am, &c.,
DUN : FORBES.
1 Cvllodtn Paf«rt. CCCXC.
xxxviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
This letter appears to have been entirely ignored by the King ; but the correctness of the Lord President's views was amply demon- strated when, less than two and a half years after the departure of the Highland Regiment from Scotland, the devoted Tullibardine unfurled the banner of the Stuarts on Glenfinnan. Historians have barely noticed the Lord President's letter; but had the King condescended to give it the consideration it undoubtedly deserved, it is not too much to say that there would in all probability have been no " Forty-five " ; and the occurrence to which this volume is due would in like manner have been avoided. The King's action appears indefensible from whatever standpoint it is regarded : he was at once most unjustly depriving his Scottish subjects of that protection which the presence of the Black Watch alone could afford to their property, or even lives ; inflicting extraordinary hardships on the men of the Highland Regiment in compelling them to leave their native country and serve in a foreign land, entirely contrary to what was understood by them on enlisting ; and deliberately placing in jeopardy his own throne by clearing the way for an invasion of the Highlands in the Jacobite interest.
Nor was this the first occasion on which the Government failed to profit by the sound advice of the Lord President. In 1738 he had proposed, in contemplation of early war with Spain and France, that the Government should raise four or five regiments of Highlanders, appointing an English or Scotch officer of undoubted loyalty to be colonel of each regiment ; and naming as the lieutenant-colonels, majors, captains, and subalterns all the chiefs and chieftains of the disaffected clans — the very persons whom France and Spain would call upon, in case of war, to take arms for the House of Stuart. The Lord President urged in support of his plan that if the Government pre-engaged the Highlanders in this way they would not only serve well against the enemy abroad, but would be hostages for the good behaviour of their relations at home ; and that he was persuaded it would be absolutely impossible to raise a rebellion in the Highlands. He submitted his plan to Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, one of the judges of the Court of
INTRODUCTION. xxxix
Session, as the latter had, it appears, the ear of Lord Islay, who was at that moment dictator of Scotland ; and it is said to have been well received by Fletcher and Lord Islay, and to have secured the assent of Sir Robert Walpole. "If this be so," remarks Mr. Burton, " it is one of the few instances in which he allowed himself to be out-voted ; and not long after his death some of those who opposed him at the council-table must have had bitter reasons for wishing that their votes had been different."1
Early in 1743 references to the departure of the Black Watch began to appear in the Press ; thus—
" By private letters this post we are informed that Lord Semple's Highland Regiment is ordered immediately for embarkation." *
" Newcastle, Feb. 26. A report is current here that Lord Semple's Highland Regiment on their march to Leith in order to embark for Flanders mutinied, and killed two of their officers."*
" \Ve hear that the Regiment of Scotch Highlanders, consisting of 1000 [sic] men, are on their march for London, and are in a short time to be reviewed by His Majesty in Hyde Park, in their Highland dress."4
The final orders from the War Office to General Guest and Lord Sempill were dated 5th March;5 and in a letter dated from Edinburgh on the i6th we read —
" It's reported here that the Highland Regiment is ordered up, and is to march through this town this week: I am sorry for our friend Auchter," and wish, poor man, he had got his affairs settled before he left the country." '
Notices in the Caledonian Mercury run —
"March 14. That day* orders were sent hence by express for the 10 com- panies of the Rt. Hon. Lord Semple's Reg1 at Perth, Inverness, Nairn, Fort
1 Liv€» of Lord Laval and Duncan Forbet. pp. 368-369. ' London Daily Pott, 8 Feb. (from Edinburgh paper of 1 Feb.).
1 Ibid.. 3 Mar. ; this report is curious, seeing that the orders (or the companies to inarch were not despatched from Edinburgh until a fortnight later.
• Ibid . 12 Mar. •P. Ill IV.
* Lieut. Lewis Grant of Aochterblair and Carron.
1 John Grant of Delnabo, writer in Edinburgh, to Kobt. Grant of Tammore : Original
in Brit. Mas. 1 Mar. 11.
xl THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
Augustus, and the outposts, to march directly for this country, so that they are expected here next week, in their way to Berwick, where we hear their route will meet them."
"March 21. The first companies of the Reg* of Highlanders commanded by the Right Hon. the Lord Semple are expected to cross the Frith to-morrow, and to be reviewed how soon the other companies arrive." 1
" March 28. The Grenadier company, and four others of the Lord Semple's Highland Reg', passed last week through Leith, on their way to England, as will the other five companies this week. They made an excellent appearance in their uniform and kilt, and apparently are the bravest corps on earth.
" Tis said four independent companies are to be raised for preserving the peace of the Highlands."
A report that the Duke of Atholl was responsible for the unwelcome order to march for the south seems to have circulated through the Regiment, as appears from the following extract from a letter of the Duchess of Atholl to Lady George Murray :—
"Dunkeld, March ye 28lh 1743.
" The 5 companies from Inverness &° marcht thro' this town on Friday and Saturday. The officers are highly Disatified, and their men deserted so fast y' I beleive they'll have few followers by the time they get to Newcastle. I was surprized that they came here stealing in without sound of drum or pipe, but it seems their musick had retired on the way, and miserable tattered fellows they were, for it's said they have sold all the cleaver fellows and filled up the companies with scrubs. What will Lord Semple say ?
" Both officers and men bestowed their complim18 on y" D : of A : who they fancy was the occasion of their Leaving Scotland 2 and threatened Revenge on his country." 8
This extract is also of interest, as it seems to indicate that the officers as well as the men felt aggrieved at the order which had been received.
1 They write from Edinburgh that on the 21st inst. the first company of Lord Semple's Regt. of Highlanders arrived in that city ; that two more were expected the next day, and all the rest of the Regt. before the end of the week ; and that they are to be reviewed on Leith Links. — London Daily Post, Mar. 29.
! Cf. Lord John Murray's letter of 24th May, post .
3 Chronicles of ilic Atholl £• Ttillibardine Families, ii, 457.
INTRODUCTION. xli
Her Grace, in a further letter to Lady George Murray, writes —
"Dunkeld, Aprill ye 3d 1743.
" I hear every day more of the threats of ye audacious Highland companies that marcht thro' Atholl and this town, openly declaring their Revenge upon the Duke of Atholl, his people, and Sandick. One of our carts, Saturday sevnight, meeting a parcell of them abt the mure town, they asked the Carter who he belonged to, w4"1 he telling, they fired to fright the horses twice, wch had such effect that horses, man, and cart had liked to have been destroyed."1
Further Press notices run—
" The whole ten companies of the Lord Semple's Highland Reg1 have at last crossed the Firth at Leith and are marching for England."*
"On Wednesday last* my Lord Semple's Reg' of Highlanders began their march for England in order to be reviewed by His Majesty. They are certainly the best-looked Foot Reg1 in the service, being generally tall, well-bodied men, and very stout." «
The Rev. Mr. Campbell, in his pamphlet, thus explains how the men were "decoyed" to London—
"Some time in spring the Regiment was informed by their officers that they were to be reviewed at Musselburgh, a village within four miles of Edinburgh, and afterwards to return to their quarters. Accordingly they had a rout given them to that place, and arrived there ; but were told they were not to be reviewed there, but at Berwick-upon-Tweed ;• when they came to this place they were told that His Majesty designed to review them in person at London, and that then they would all return to their families."
These statements cannot be questioned; as the minister had exceptional opportunities of ascertaining the facts from the men, and was able to converse with them in their native tongue. The following extract from a letter of one of the officers appears to show conclusively that the men of the Black Watch were deceived
Chronn.!<> of tin Atholl £• Tutlibardine Fatnilits, ii, 458.
Cat. Her.. 31 Mar
JOth March.
EJin F.v. Conratit. 4 Apr.
Here a letter from the War Office awaited them, directing that on their march they
were to receive from the jailors of the several places, deserters from regiments
serving abroad, and convey them to London. I'. VI.
xlii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
as to the true object of their march into England, though this has been questioned by Mr. Archibald Forbes :—
"Dunbar, 4th April 1743.
" The Regiment is come this length on ther march to London where we are to be reviewed by the King, and when that is over it's generally believed we shall return to the Highlands,1 tho' I most own I have no notion of our goeing back- if any regiments goes abroad — which we have no reason to question as some has got ther marching orders as well as our Regiment. Our people are in great spirit, and the whole Regiment has not lost above twentie men by desertion : the Major's3 company and Culkairn's* lost non ; Capt. Campbell of Carrick lost eight and a piper ; Capt" Colquhoun lost three ; Craignessf three ; one from the Granadiers ; tuo from Sir Robert Munro ; and tuo from McNeill's comp^ so we have no great reason to complain as ther are recruits in ther places, only some of the deserters carryed of ther close, and a few ther armes." "
General Stewart also adds his testimony—
" Surprised at the orders to march to England, they were told it was only to show themselves to the King, who had never seen a Highland Regiment. This explanation satisfied them, and they proceeded on their route to London." 7
Despite the statement of the Duchess of Atholl that the officers were " highly dissatisfied " with the order which had been received, it is evident from the foregoing extracts that they persuaded the men to proceed on their march by misrepresenting its real object. Historians have usually said that such was the case : as to its propriety the reader must form his own conclusion. The officers were no doubt in a dilemma ; and the possibility that the mutiny might otherwise have occurred in Scotland, should not be overlooked. It has already been shown that a rumour prevailed
1 C/. Captn. John Munro's statement to the Lords Justices that the soldiers were given to
understand before they left Scotland that they were designed for foreign service. P. XCVI.
2 The italics are mine. — ED.
3 Major George Grant.
4 Captain George Munro of Culcairn.
6 Captain Dugal Campbell of Craignish.
6 Lieut. Lewis Grant of Auchterblair to Robert Grant of Tammore ; Original in Brit. Mus.
7 Sketches, i, 250.
INTRODUCTION. xliii
that a revolt had actually taken place there ; and it was stated in some foreign gazettes that the men had mutinied on the borders, killed many of their officers, carried off their colours, and returned into their own country. Respecting this rumour the author of the "Short History" remarks,
" This account, though glaringly false, was repeated from time to time in those papers, with additional circumstances, and which to me I confess appeared a little extraordinary, was never taken notice of, or contradicted in ours, though there could not have been a fairer opportunity of giving these poor people proper advice, and thereby preventing their falling into an error which is like to prove fatal to them. But these are thought trivial things, and below the notice of great men, though it is certain, that if this foolish desertion of the Highlanders could have been prevented, it would have been service of more importance to the state than it would venient for me to explain."
The Secretary at War's letter of 5th March1 required Lord Sempill to complete the Regiment, the full strength of the private men being 700; but his Lordship seems to have been unable to comply with the request ; a not very surprising circumstance. Not more than 670 private men, or centinels as they were commonly called, appear to have started on the fateful march for the south ; and, as has been shown, ere the border was reached, twenty men, more suspicious than the rest, had found means of returning to the Highlands. By the time the Regiment reached York, the number had increased to thirty ;* and thus it is that we find the Duke of Newcastle writing to Lord Carteret on i3th May that about sixty men were wanting to complete the Regiment ;3 the precise number on the i4th, the day of the review by General Wade, being fifty-eight.4
1 P. in.
4 P. CXLIII. 1 P. XII. 4 P. XIV.
xliv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
III.
" Their hearts were yearning for the land They ne'er might see again — For Scotland's high and heathered hills, For mountain, loch, and glen."
— W. E. Aytonn.
The route of the Regiment on the march southward lay through Newcastle and York. The inhabitants of the northern counties, at least, appear to have given the Highlanders an enthusiastic reception : thus we read,
" Above 1500 gentlemen on horseback went out of Newcastle to meet Lord Semple's Regiment." *
The men, at this juncture, appear to have been in good spirits, and looking forward to the honour understood to be in store for them — of being reviewed by His Majesty — and then to their return march to the Highlands.
In the course of the march the Regiment met a recruiting party of St. Clair's Regiment, an incident, it would seem, of no little consequence in view of Captain John Munro's statement to the Lords Justices " that he had never heard any complaint whatsoever amongst them till after their having met upon their march upwards a recruiting party of Sinclair's Regiment,2 from which time they appeared full of apprehensions that they were to be carried to the West Indies."3
Captain Munro's testimony as to the origin of the report was confirmed by the evidence given by one of the Highlanders at the
1 Cal. Met:, 18 Apr.
2 This statement appears to be quite at variance with the oft-repeated account of the
dissatisfaction expressed by the men at leaving the Highlands ; and also with the foregoing extracts from the letters of the Duchess of Atholl.
3 P. XCVI.
INTRODUCTION. xlv
Court-Martial, who stated "that they were informed by some of the Royal Regiment that they were to be draughted into others, and sent to the West Indies."1
Then, in an extract from a London letter, we read,
" The officers of the ad Battalion of the Scots Royal, commanded by General St. Clair, are going hence for Scotland to recruit."1
It may have been but a conjecture on the part of the men of the Royal Regiment, who, knowing but too well the enormous losses from disease sustained by their own and other regiments in the West Indies, probably listened with incredulity to the story that the men of the Black Watch were marching to London merely for the purpose of being reviewed, and concluded that the latter were to be draughted into the regiments in the West Indies which so sorely needed recruits. Thus we read,
"The remains of the and Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Foot, about 60 in number,* which about two years ago embarked in Ireland under command of the Hon. Col. Lewis Grant,4 passed through here last week on their way to Stirling, in order to recruit."*
Nor was the case of this Battalion exceptional, e.g. :
" Col. Douglas's Reg* in less than 5 weeks had 4 colonels, 3 lieut.-cols., and 3 majors."*
" Lieut. Partridge of Col. Wynyard's Marines and Adjutant, who went out a private centinel, is arrived from Jamaica to recruit for the Reg', which is so reduced by sickness, that not 7 officers are left of the Reg1 that went from England ; nor above that number of private men fit for service in some companies."'
" By a list published, the number of the officers who died or were killed on the expedition to the West Indies, from Oct. 26, 1740 to Feb. 26, 1742 only,
1 Private Alexr. Murray of the Grenadier company, p. 106.
'Cal Her . 14 Mar.
1 Doobttew the men met by the Highland Regt. on their march.
4 Lieat.-Col. Lewis Grant of Danphail. who fell a victim to disease at Jamaica on
11th March. 1742: he was a brother of Ifcfcr Aeorge Grant, of the Highland
Reg t . and of Brigr.-Genl. Alexr. Grant of Grant. tCal. Her.. >4 June. 'Ibid.. 10 Sept.. 1741. 7 /«•».. 5 April. 174.!.
xlvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
is as follows : 5 colonels, 13 lieutenant-colonels, 7 majors, 64 captains, 120 ist lieutenants, 44 and lieutenants and ensigns, n artillerymen, 21 staff officers, 6 volunteers, and 4 officers of the negroes, besides the Lord Cathcart, commander-in-chief, and 10,000 private men."1
" Last Tuesday Brigadier Blakeney's Regiment of Marines which consist only of eight men out of 800 (the rest either died or were killed in the West Indies) who came from Jamaica in the Anne transport under the convoy of the Shoreham man-of-war, were quartered in the borough of Southwark, where they are to remain a few days, and then proceed to Worcester to recruit."2
" Yesterday Col. Wolfe's Reg1 of Marines arrived in town from the West Indies. . . . The Reg' consists of 1000 men of which there is but 96 left, including officers, the rest having been killed or died by sickness : such is the miserable fate of West India expeditions."3
General Stewart quotes as follows on this subject : —
" The fate of the Marines, the Invalids, and other regiments which had been sent to these colonies, seemed to mark out this service as at once the most perilous and the most degrading to which British soldiers could be exposed. With no enemy to encounter worthy of their courage, there was another consideration which made it peculiarly odious to the Highlanders. By the Act of Parliament of the eleventh of George I. transportation to the Colonies was denounced against the Highland rebels, &c., as the greatest punishment that could be inflicted on them except death."4 . . .
But whether based on conjecture or on rumours which they had heard in London, the story told by the party of the Royal Regiment, accompanied no doubt with pictures of the fate which would almost certainly await them, or the great majority of them in the pestilent West Indies, made an extraordinary impression on the Highlanders, who, during the remainder of their march, were haunted by apprehensions that what they had been told might prove to be true, opposed as the report was to their officers' statement that they would return home after the review. They probably thought that the party of the Royal Regiment having come from London, had there learned the real intention of the
1 Scots. Mag,. May, 1742.
2 London Morng. Advertr., 15 Apr., 1743.
3 Cal. Mer., 27 Oct., 1743.
4 Sketches, i, 255.
INTRODUCTION. xlvii
Government, and it is to be noted that about this time there were renewed statements in the press as to raising another Highland Regiment, e.g. :
" We are assured that orders are given for raising a new regiment of Scotch Highlanders as soon as those are reviewed that are daily expected in London."1
This report, which would never seem to have been contra- dicted, was apparently credited by the men of the Black Watch, as it tallied with the story told them by the party of St. Clair's Regiment, and by others after reaching London — that they were to be draughted into regiments in the West Indies, their officers returning to Scotland to raise a new regiment.? The London public doubtless read and credited the statements referred to ; and probably were the means, quite innocently, of repeating the story to the Highlanders, and assuring them of its truth. The official records contain nothing to indicate that the mutiny was the result of misrepresentations by Jacobite agents ; in any case it has been shown that the and Battalion of His Majesty's Royal Regiment of Foot was primarily responsible for instilling the disturbing suggestion into the minds of the men of the Black Watch, who thenceforward regarded their officers with distrust.
There seems no reason to doubt that the King would have reviewed the Highland Regiment on its reaching London, had it arrived before his departure ;3 it appears, indeed, to have been His Majesty's practice to review regiments prior to their embarkation for foreign service, e.g.:
" Colonel Bragg's Regiment of Foot lately landed in the West of England from Ireland, are on their march to Kew, where they are to be reviewed by His Majesty, from whence they go on board the transports hired to carry them to Flanders. General Churchill's Regiment of Dragoons, and Lord Semple's Regiment of Highlanders, are both on their march in order to be likewise reviewed."*
1 Country Journal. 30 Apr.; Cat. tl«r.. 3 May. Vide also Lord John Murray's letter of 24th May. pott.
* P. CIII ; cf. lYivate Win. Gordon's evidence at the Court Martial, p. 160.
• P. Ill
4 London tlorng. Advtrtr., 1 Apr.
xlviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
" On Saturday last His Majesty accompanied by the Prince and Princess of Wales, the Duke, and the Princesses, reviewed at Kew Green Col. Bragg's Regiment of Foot which are to embark this week for Flanders."1
The announcement of the King's intended departure at the end of April appeared at least as early as the i3th of that month ;2 and on the 22nd it was stated that his baggage was ordered to be put on board the yachts, and that his departure was fixed for the 28th ;3 but early in the morning of the 2yth was the actual time.4 It has been generally stated that the King left on the very day that the Regiment arrived near the Metropolis ; but this, it will be noticed, is hardly accurate.5 By the 5th May, however, the Regiment had reached Ware, in Hertfordshire, and the adjacent villages ;6 and on that date an order was issued to march towards the city ; three companies to quarters at Barnet and Whetstone ; three to Hamp- stead, Westend, Bellsize, and Pond Street ; one to Coneyhatch, Muswell Hill, and Hornsey ; two to Highgate ; and one to Finchley.7 The baggage, however, according to the following paragraph, had arrived about a month previously :—
" Last Tuesday night the baggage belonging to the Regiment of Highlanders was landed at St. Katharine's from on board a ship from Inverness in Scotland, with about 20 of the soldiers to attend it, who are quarter'd at Islington, there to wait the arrival of the Regiment, who are expected in a few days."8
The advent of the Black Watch seems to have caused some stir in the Metropolis, as well as along the route ; thus we read,
" 'Tis said the Lord Semple's Highland Reg' will embark at Colchester for Flanders, without coming to this city ; which will be a great disappointment to the citizens and their ladies." 9
1 London Monti!. Advertr., 6 Apr.
2 Ibid.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid., 29 Apr.
5 P. VIII & IX. "P. X.
7 P. XI.
6 London Mortig. Advertr., 8 Apr.
' Extract from London letter in Cat. Mer., 25 Apr.
INTRODUCTION. xlix
On 3rd May a Route from London to Hertford was issued from the War Office to a detachment of the Regiment,1 which had proceeded in advance : the following paragraph probably affords the explanation :—
" Tis said His Royal Highness the Prince of Wales will review the Highland Reg1; they are arrived at Hertford, Hodgson, and Ware. Yesterday 24 of them came to town as guard to 9 deserters from Brigadier Howard's Reg1, taken in the West Highlands."*
Two days prior to his departure the King had nominated the following statesmen to act as Lords Justices during his absence :—
John, Lord Archbishop of Canterbury
Philip, Lord Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor
William, Earl of Harrington, Lord President
John, Lord Gower, Lord Privy Seal
Lionel Cranfield, Duke of Dorset, Lord Steward
Charles, Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain
Charles, Duke of Richmond, Master of the Horse
Charles, Duke of Bolton
William, Duke of Devonshire
John, Duke of Montagu, Master-General of the Ordnance
Thomas Holies Duke of Newcastle, one of His Majesty's Principal
Secretaries of State
John, Marquess of Tweeddale, another of Do. Henry, Earl of Pembroke, Groom of the Stole Daniel, Earl of Winchilsea, First Commissioner of the Admiralty Archibald, Earl of Islay
Spencer, Earl of Wilmington, First Commissioner of the Treasury William, Earl of Bath John, Lord Carteret, another of His Majesty's Principal Secretaries of
State, and Henry Pelham Esquire.
In the King's absence, it was at first rumoured that the High- landers would be reviewed by the Prince of Wales, but His Majesty had left instructions that General Wade should do so ; certainly no
1 App. III.
1 Eitract from London letter of 30 Apr in Cal. Utr.. 9 May. Vide alto P. VI.
1 THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
one knew more about them than the General, he having, as already shown, been mainly instrumental in raising the six Black Watch companies in 1725 ; they had, besides, served under him with other troops in Scotland, and had from time to time been reviewed by him during the fourteen years he had occupied the position of commander-in-chief in North Britain. On 28th April the Secretary at War notified the General of the King's wishes, leaving him to select a suitable place for the review,1 with the result that he fixed on Finchley Common.2
The first meeting of the Lords Justices took place on 5th May, when the Secretary at War reported the King's order for the Highland Regiment to embark for Ostend after the review, adding that it would be ready to do so at Gravesend by the 2ist of the month 3
The review, to which the men of the Black Watch had so long looked forward, took place on i4th May, and General Wade's report was quite satisfactory.4 The Prince of Wales was not present, which was doubtless a further disappointment to the Highlanders, in view of the following paragraph : —
" As to their grievances, for redress of which, it is said, they intended to have petitioned His Majesty or the Prince, if either had review'd them : some alledge that they were retrench'd of their pay ; others, that they had not been regularly enlisted, and had been told that they should not go out of their own country, and were only coming to England to be review'd ; and that they were terrify'd for fear of going to Jamaica, as some had told them, rather than which they chose immediate death."5
One of the many references to the review reads :
" Lord Semple's Regiment of Highlanders was reviewed on Finchley Common by General Wade. There were present his Grace the Duke of
1 P. IX.
1 At this time the property of the Bishop of London.
* P. X.
4 P. XIV.
6 Gentleman's Mag., May, pp. 273-274 ; at the end of the paragraph follows the intelligent
editorial remark : " No doubt these gentlemen were forward enough to join in the
importunate cry for a war."
INTRODUCTION. li
Montagu,1 and several other persons of distinction, who all expressed the greatest satisfaction at their fine appearance and exact discipline. They were under arms about seven in the morning ; between nine and ten the General came into the field, and the whole was over about one. There were the greatest number of spectators ever known upon such an occasion."*
On the day of the review an order was sent from the War Office for the Regiment to march, in two divisions, in order to embark, the first division on the igth, and the second on the 2Oth.3 As to the men's feelings at this juncture, the best evidence is again, perhaps, that of the Rev. Mr. Campbell, whose statements, in view of his prolonged intercourse with the men during their confinement in the Tower, are of the utmost value, rjis account runs,
" When they arrived at London, and found that His Majesty was gone, the Regiment were universally dissatisfied that after so long a march they were disappointed of the honour of being reviewed by His Majesty.
" Some time after their coming here a report was currently spread that the Regiment was to be sent to some parts of the West Indies, and broke or divided amongst the Colonies ; which raised in the private men, who believed this report, a very great animosity against their officers, whom they groundlessly blamed for not informing them truly where they were to go before they carried them from their own country, and not allowing them time to settle their concerns, of which some had very considerable which they were obliged to leave in great disorder. They thought that the interest of the Government did noways require that they, more than any other regiment in Britain, should be left ignorant of the route they were to take, and by that means be disappointed of an opportunity of settling their private affairs in a manner suitable to so long an absence; that they had been so long settled in that country without any view of being so suddenly called from it, that it amounted to as great a hardship on them, comparatively speaking, as it would be to the Militia of the City of London to be shipped for the Indies on an hour's warning.
" The officers took pains to allay this flame, by assuring the men that so soon as the review was over they would be allowed to return home ; but when the report of their embarkation prevailed, they were out of all patience, and looked upon the design of sending them to Flanders only as a blind to get them
1 A detachment from the 2 troop* of the Duke'i li«gt A Horse stationed at St. Albans
was present on duly A. IV. ' London Mag.. May. » P. XV.
lii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
on board, in order to ship them really for the West Indies. Tho' their officers attempted to undeceive them, yet they had been disappointed so often, and filled so long with hopes of going home, that they had no credit with them.
" Add to this, that there was another complaint pretended for the ground of their discontent — that some small arrears were due to them ; that they had been obliged to use their own swords ; and that their clothing, especially their shoes and plaids, were remarkably deficient, these last being not worth sixpence per yard, whereas they used to be allowed plaids of more than double that value."
The author of the "Short History" thus comments on the men's alarm at the prospect of being sent to the West Indies—
" Fellows used to snow and ice and the sharp winds of their own bleak mountains were of all others the least likely to care for trying the contrary extreme, and withal the least fit to bear it ; so that, on the whole, if there had been any foundation for the report, this might have passed for a very pardonable panick."
INTRODUCTION. liii
IV.
" Oh ! to tread once more the heather. Where it blossoms to the knees. Waving like the tossing billows In the bracing mountain breeze."
— A. Uacgregor Rose.
The men were now in a state of exasperation at the manner in which they had been misled, and their confidence abused. The order of I4th May for the Regiment to march in order to embark had shattered their last hope of returning to the Highlands. Recognising that any representations at this stage would be of no avail, the idea, desperate enough, of marching back, presented itself as the only alternative. General Stewart remarks,
" Notwithstanding the arts which were practised to mislead the men, they proceeded to no violence, but believing themselves deceived and betrayed, the only remedy that occurred to them was to get back to their own country." *
An understanding, which, from the evidence given at the Court-Martial, seems to have been general, was accordingly arrived at, whereby they were all to meet on Finchley Common shortly before midnight on Tuesday, xyth May. At that time and place 112* of the most daring assembled, nearly all carrying their arms and accoutrements, and bent on putting their design into execution —
" Being determined as 'tis reported, if possible not to go abroad : as they were raised for the Highland Watch, they, it seems, think their duty to their country extends no further." *
It was in vain that some of their officers, learning of the matter, hurried to the spot with the object of inducing them to
1 Skttche$. i. 233.
1 P. XVIII . but viJe pp. 21. 40. and 42.
' KJinburgk Ev. Couranl. 24 May.
liv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
return to their quarters; Captain John Munro and Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser being met with fixed bayonets on attempting to mingle with the men and reason with them. Accompanying the officers were certain Serjeants, one of whom, Alexander McBean, had a struggle with Private Farquhar Shaw of Lord Seinpill's company. Reference to this encounter will be found later ; there seems no doubt that it cost Shaw his life.1
The author of the " Short History " observes,
" However, they from that moment [the day of the review] meditated this design of retiring back to their own country, which they executed soon after with an intrepidity worthy of a wiser measure. The scheme itself, was certainly as wild and extravagant as ever entered the thoughts of man ; and though some people have taken a great deal of pains to shew the feasibility of it, and that it was not absolutely impossible but that they might have succeeded, yet I must confess, I think those that talk at this rate, as mad as the Highlanders them- selves ; and less excusably so, since the latter may plead their ignorance of the English country, and of the disposition of the forces in those parts through which they were to pass."
The leaders of the party are usually stated to have been Corporals Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson and Private Farquhar Shaw ; but there is no evidence to show that Shaw acted in any way as a leader ; the encounter with the Serjeant sealed his fate. Nor would Malcolm Macpherson seem to have acted in this capacity ; he is only mentioned in the report of the proceedings of the Court-Martial at the Tower as having joined with Samuel in advising the men to surrender.2
The Rev. Mr. Campbell has recorded that " Samuel owned he had been active at the beginning " ; but that " Malcolm to the last declared that he never advised any person to go away " : it seems clear, therefore, that Samuel was the only leader ; at the Court- Martial, like true Highlanders, all the men denied that they had had any leader.
1 P. cxxx.
2 Vide evidence of Privates William McLeod and Paul Macpherson, pp. 167-168.
INTRODUCTION". Iv
Marching from Finchley Common about one o'clock in the morning of the i8th, ignorant, it would appear, of their number, owing to the darkness of the night ; and in any case expecting the rest of the Regiment to follow, they took their way northwards through Barnet and St. Alban's, enquiring at the latter town the way to Northampton about half-past six. The Rev. Mr. Campbell states :
" Next morning when by daylight they could discern their number, and not finding the desertion so general as they expected, Samuel McPherson advised the whole body strenuously to return to their duty, which advice he continued to inculcate during their march to Lady Wood."
Lord Sempill lost no time in commuhicating with General Wade, hurrying with two of his officers to the General's house at four o'clock the same morning. The General desired his Lordship to return to the Regiment and draw the men out, and keep them under arms till further orders. The same morning the General, accompanied by Sir Robert Munro, attended before the Lords Justices — at an extraordinary meeting held at Lord Harrington's house, " that no alarm might be given " —and apprised them of the matter in detail, his account being subsequently confirmed by Sir Robert, who added that he had enquired very particularly whether there was any complaint or discontent amongst the soldiers of the said Regiment, but had not found any; and that they were acquainted by orders given out yesterday, that the account of the money stopped for shoes and stockings should be made out when they came to Greenwich, and the difference there paid to them.1
At the same meeting Brigadier- General Blakeney attended, and received instructions to pursue the Highlanders, and bring them prisoners to the Tower, and for this purpose to take command of the troops which should receive orders for this service ; and their Lordships directed marching orders to bo <*nt to (i) three troops of
1 P. xvn.
e 2
Ivi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
General Churchill's Regiment of Dragoons at Loughborough, Harborough, Rugby, etc. ; (2) three troops of the same regiment at Leicester and Ashby-de-la-Zouche ; (3) three troops of Lord Mark Kerr's Regiment of Dragoons at Preston ; (4) three troops of General Wade's Regiment of Horse at Huntingdon, St. Neots and St. Ives ; (5) three troops of the same regiment at Northampton ; (6) two troops of the Duke of Montagu's Regiment of Horse at St. Albans ; (7) two troops of the same regiment at Leighton Buzzard and Hempstead. The Secretary at War was also directed to write to the commander-in-chief in Scotland and to the officer com- manding General Clayton's Regiment at Berwick as to securing any of the Highlanders who might succeed in getting there; and their Lordships ordered that a detachment of the Horse-Grenadier Guards should march to Barnet with a view to prevent further desertion ; that an advertisement should be inserted in the papers offering a sum of 40 shillings for apprehending any of the deserters, over and above the sum usually allowed ; and that the Highland Regiment should march to Gravesend, and embark for Flanders as soon as possible.1
Lord Sempill, in the meantime, in accordance with General Wade's directions, having drawn out in the afternoon the four companies quartered in and near Highgate, had a very unpleasant experience; and, fearing a further mutiny, he called the same evening on the Secretary at War, who, in consequence of his Lordship's representations, gave orders for a detachment of Foot- Guards, equal to a battalion, and a troop of Horse- Guards, to be in readiness to march at a moment's notice.2
About midnight the second desertion took place ; the number is variously stated, but was probably 44,3 the rendezvous again being Finchley Common. The men marched through Barnet about one o'clock in the morning of the igth with their arms and accoutrements " in a regular good order " ; and Captain Dugal
1 P. xvii. 8 P. xxiv. s P. xx.
INTRODUCTION. Ivii
Campbell, whose company was quartered in the town, on attempt- ing to stop them, was obliged to desist in consequence of their threats; and had to content himself with sending an express to the Secretary at War for assistance.1 The troop of Horse- Grenadier Guards which had marched for Barnet in pursuance of the orders of the Lords Justices reached that town about three o'clock the same morning, and remained there on the advice of Captain Campbell, he " not knowing but what of people remain might follow and attack them in their rear."2
Captain John Munro, Lieutenant Lewis Grant, and Ensign Gordon Graham, however, followed the men for a distance of eight miles beyond Barnet; and, it is stated, succeeded, with some difficulty, in inducing all of them, excepting a corporal and seven men,3 to return, promising to intercede for them with Lord Sempill.4
In consequence of Captain Campbell's letter, the Secretary at War gave orders for the detachment of Foot-Guards and the troop of Horse-Guards already mentioned, to march immediately to Highgate to stop any further desertion, and to secure any deserters they might meet with. They marched accordingly between seven and eight o'clock the same morning under the command of Colonel William Douglas;5 who, on the march, met Quartermaster Forbes of the Highland Regiment, and learnt from him that the first division had marched early that morning for Greenwich without any seeming reluctance, and that Sir Robert Munro was then at Hampstead. He therefore marched thither, and consulted with Sir Robert, who, having no apprehensions respecting his own or his brothers'6 companies there, suggested that he should march to Barnet and Whetstone.7 Colonel Douglas accordingly marched to
1 p. xrx.
1 I- XXI.
1 The MVW •« rejoined the Regiment ml Dartford. P. LXIV ; bat at least (oar men of the Mcoed partr oldwrtcn were tned by the Court*- Martial — Privates Lewis McFarland, Alexr Frtter of BalU«an. Walter McFarlanJ. a»d Wot. Fraser.
• P. XXII.
• P. XXIV.
• Captain* George and John Monro.
'pTxxiii.
Iviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
the latter place, where he left a lieu tenant -colonel with 150 men ; and then proceeded to Barnet.1
The same day Sir Robert Munro attended the meeting of the Lords Justices and laid before their Lordships two letters from . Captain Dugal Campbell,2 with particulars of the second desertion ; and intimated that he had sent the latter instructions to confine the men until further orders. Their Lordships, after deliberation, directed Sir Robert to go to Barnet, giving him a discretionary power — in the absence of Lord Sempill, who was indisposed — to release and pardon the men ; and to take care that they marched the next morning with the two companies at Barnet, in order to join their respective companies and embark for Flanders. Their Lordships also directed Sir Robert to acquaint the three officers " that the Lords Justices do extremely approve their prudent conduct, and are sensible of the good service they have performed upon this occasion."3
The same morning, under the command of Major George Grant, the five companies forming the first division4 had marched to Greenwich without any demonstration, as appears from the Major's reply to the Secretary at War's letter desiring information on the subject ;5 but the Major at the same time reported the receipt (through Serjeant Macbean) of a message in the name of all the men, that they would not march the next morning unless they were given two shirts a year, instead of one, as in the time of Lord Crawford ; and an increased allowance for brogues ; and that he had despatched Captain Colquhoun to inform Lord Sempill.6 The Captain, as appears from the Secretary at War's note of the interview, called at the War Office, arriving before the Major's letter.7 The Secretary at War, after reference to the Lords
1 P. xxvn.
2 P. xxi-xxu.
3 P. xxiv.
4 Lord Sempill's, Major Grant's, Captain Colin Campbell's, Captain Colquhoun's, and
Captain McNeil's. 6 P. XXVII.
6 P. XXIX.
7 P. XXX.
INTRODUCTION. lix
Justices, wrote to the Major that if, upon investigation, any neglect should be found with regard to the number or price of brogues furnished them, it should be made good ; but as regards shirts, no more could be allowed them than to other regiments.1
The Secretary at War, also, by the direction of the Lords Justices, sent an order to Colonel Edward Wolfe to repair imme- diately to Greenwich, and consult with Major Grant and the other officers of the Highland Regiment ; and, if necessary, to go to Chatham, Rochester, or elsewhere, and assemble and take command of all or any of the Marines quartered in Kent, and to assist in quelling any mutiny in the Highland Regiment consequent upon the men's refusal to march and embark.2 *
The five companies, however, marched the next morning to Dartford without further demur, Major Grant having on their assembling acquainted them with the terms of the Secretary at War's reply concerning their demands.3 The order sent to Colonel Wolfe reached him at Greenwich between six and seven o'clock, by which time the companies had marched. He followed them, and conferred with Major Grant, who reported that the men were then in a much better disposition. Colonel Wolfe, however, took the precaution to write to the commanding officers of three regiments of Marines to have their men ready to march at a minute's warning. He also reported his proceedings to the Secretary at War, who replied the same day approving of the suggestion that he should go to Rochester in order to be available in case of need.4
The five companies constituting the second division8 met at Barnet at six o'clock in the morning of the 2oth,6 and at seven
p. xxxi. p. xxxvni. p. xxxix.
P. XL1-XL1I
Sir Robert Mnnro's. Captain John Campbell'*, Captain George Munro's, Captain Dugal
Campbell's. Captain John Munro's. ' The same day nine waggons loaded with baggage went through the Borough, guarded by
some of the Regiment, in order to be pot on board the transports at Gravesend ;
Central Evening Pott. 21 May.
Ix THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
marched for Greenwich under the command of Sir Robert Munro, where they arrived without incident at twelve, Sir Robert reporting the same day to the Secretary at War, " All my devision came here in great spirits and good humor, and continue so."1 But precautions had not been wanting in case of further trouble with the men.2
The next morning, before marching to Dartford, Sir Robert, in accordance with Colonel Wolfe's suggestion, drew up the five companies on Blackheath, and took in writing particulars of their grievances ; those of the other five companies being stated to be the same,3 and sent them to Lord Sempill. These grievances, it will be seen, are mostly referred to in the foregoing extract from the Rev. Mr. Campbell's pamphlet ; and Captain W'ilson, the agent of the Regiment, after referring to Lord Sempill and Quartermaster Forbes, made light of the complaints in his letter of the same day to the Secretary at War, concluding with the words : "Upon the whole, I doubt the true reason is concealed — their being sent abroad."4 In his letter to Lord Sempill as to the men's grievances Sir Robert enclosed a return of the Regiment as at Dartford on the 2ist,5 from which it appears that the number of deserters was then 127, all the companies being represented, after which 7 returned,6 leaving 120 to be accounted for; but according to the comparison of this return with General Wade's, the number is 1 2 1.7 The same day Colonel Wolfe reported to the Secretary at War that the second division had marched " with great temper and chearfullness " ;8 Sir Robert also writing to the same official, " As to the humor the people were in, they seemed all sattisfied, and determined to obey all orders."9 But the fire was still smouldering in the breasts of the men.
Meantime Colonel Wolfe had proceeded to Rochester, a pre- caution which was not unwarranted ; for on the 23rd, on the eve
1 P. XLIII. 4 P. LI. ' A. XVI.
2 P. XXVI. 6 P. XLIX. » P. LII.
> P. XLVIII. • P. LXIV. • P. LIII.
INTRODUCTION. Ixi
of the embarkation of the Regiment, we find Sir Robert Munro writing to the Secretary at War that he had been informed that a number of the men had that morning declared they would not march until they had received the difference of their shoe money, amounting to 2s. 8d. per man, and the price of their hose had been paid to such as wanted them. " Tho' I find all the men in good temper," adds Sir Robert, " I know not what consequences such a spirit may have, therefore send this express to you and my Lord Sempill that I may have the honour to receive your directions this afternoon." He had also, it appears, informed Colonel Wolfe of the orders given to all the companies to march from their different quarters so as to be at Gravesend at seven o'clock the next morning.1 Sir Robert's letter was the same day laid before the Lords Justices by the Secretary at War, who was directed to write to Sir Robert that, in case of such demands being made, he should intimate that no demands made in a mutinous manner would be admitted ; but that any real grievances, upon proper complaint and representation, should be redressed.*
On the morning of the 24th Sir Robert, who seems to have at once acquainted the men with the effect of the message from the Secretary at War, which had reached him at two o'clock in the morning,3 was able to report to that official later in the day from Gravesend, "The men depending on the assurances given them, marched hither before seven this morning from their different quarters, and before twelve they were all on board, and their arms put on board the tender." Sir Robert adds, " It will be proper that the affair of the shoes be considered when you think proper." At the Lords Justices' meeting on this date, Lord Sempill stated that he knew of no just cause of complaint either as to the clothing of his Regiment or otherwise.4 The arrangement respecting the arms was a precaution of the Lords Justices, who considered it might be dangerous to send them in the same vessel with the men.5
1 p. LXIV. 4 P. LXXIII.
1 I». LXVII. • P. XLVII.
•P. LXXXIII.
Ixii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
In the meantime Colonel Wolfe had kept in touch with the position. That morning Sir Robert had received a letter from Lieutenant-Colonel Paterson at Rochester, written by Colonel Wolfe's request, intimating that goo men were under arms at Rochester; and at eleven o'clock the latter went himself to Gravesend to see how the embarkation progressed.1 His letter to the Secretary at War of the same date records his having seen " the last of Lord Sempill's Regiment go on board," and the steps he had taken to suppress any revolt.2
Sir Robert embarked with the Regiment, but Lord Sempill remained in London ; and on expressing his intention at the Lords Justices' meeting of 3ist May, of proceeding to Flanders to join his Regiment, it was suggested that his Lordship should remain in London until after the Court-Martial.3 On the 23rd the Secretary at War had written his Lordship to send an express to Gravesend to detain such officers, Serjeants, corporals, or others, as were best qualified to give evidence against the deserters at a Court-Martial.4 Among the number thus restrained were Captain John Munro, Lieutenant Malcolm Fraser, Serjeant Donald Grant, Serjeant Alexander McBean, Serjeant Nathaniel Grant, Serjeant Fraser, Serjeant McDonald, and Corporal McArthur.
On the 25th Lord Sempill sent to the Secretary at War a return of the Regiment as embarked ; 5 in this return, however, appear to be included those who remained for the Court-Martial.
Here, as it is beyond the scope of this volume to follow the Regiment to the Continent, where it was destined so soon to excite the world's admiration, and earn undying fame, we must resume the story of those intrepid Highlanders, who had with such determination severed themselves from it, as it proved, for ever.
1 P. LXXXIII. 4 P. LXX.
* P. LXXXIV. 6 P. LXXXVII.
! P. XCVI.
INTRODUCTION. Ixiii
V.
Lord John Murray, at this time a lieutenant-colonel in the Scots Guards, in garrison at the Tower, writes to the Duke of Atholl
as follows : —
Tower, May 19*, 1743.
Dear Brother, — . . . Last Saturday the Highland Reg' was reviewed on Finchley Common and did their exercise and Firings extreamly well, and the first Division were to have marched yesterday to Kent in order to imbark, but in the night about 109 of them went of with their arms, and went thro1 S' Albans yesterday morning.
As soon as the Regency heard of it, they sent orders to Gen1 Wade's Reg1 to follow them, and Brigadier Blakney was sent post, in order to get some Troops ready to stop them, and early this morning about 80 more went of, but Capt. Munro of Newmore and an other officer went after them, and persuaded them all to return except seven.
Colonel Douglas1 marched this morning with a Detachment of about 700 of the Foot-Guards to Barnet, to keep the rest in order. This has occasioned a great deal of Discourse here, and many reasons alleged, amongst the rest, that the men made belive they were to be sent to the West Indies, and draughted into other Reg", and that they were also Discontented about their cloa thing. . . . I shall write again soon.1
The Highlanders who marched northward in the early morning of the i8th, "keeping as near as they could between the two great roads, and passing from wood to wood in such a manner that it was not well known which way they moved,"3 were, it appears, followed from St. Albans by two troops of the Duke of Montagu's Regiment,4 under the command of Major Charles Otway, who was subsequently joined by the two troops from Leighton Buzzard and Hempstead.8 By seven o'clock in the morning of the igth the Highlanders, marching, it is stated, only in the night,8 had arrived
1 Coldstream Guard*.
' Chront of the Atholl 6 Tullibardiiie Fams.. ii. 460.
1 Short History.
4 P. XLVH.
• P. LVHI ; LX.
• P. LXVII.
Ixiv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
within four miles of Northampton1, when four of their number were seen by Major Hassell of General Wade's Regiment, who was accom- panying General Blakeney to that town. The General " was content to pass them quietly," and they soon disappeared in the woods. The same morning the Highlanders passed through Silsoe, a village within five miles of Bedford, and enquired the way thither ; 2 and General Blakeney, on learning this, ordered a squadron of the Duke of Montagu's Regiment to follow them.
"The whole country being alarmed, it was thought they could not possibly escape," wrote the Lords Justices' Secretaries to Lord Carteret, on the 2oth ; and on that day General Blakeney marched with the squadron from Northampton to Wellingborough where , intelligence was brought to him that the Highlanders were then upon their inarch for the Forest of Rockingham, " which is strong cover, where horse could not act," which induced the General to march for Uppingham, in order to get beyond them. " The people at Wellingborough and the country thereabouts," writes the General to the Secretary at War, " seem'd very ready to assist us, except three Scotchmen of that town, who were seen to go to the Highlanders, and they have kept to the woods ever since ; so I may naturally conclude that those men inform'd them of my proceedings."3 On the 2ist, about midday, the Highlanders were seen on Sudbury Green, three miles from Thrapston,4 and they appear immediately after to have taken up the position in Lady Wood, about four miles from Oundle in Northamptonshire, where the negotiations and surrender took place. On this date Lord John Murray writes to the Duke of Atholl :
May 2ist, 1743.
Dear Brother, — . . . Nothing here has been talked of but the High- landers' Desertion since my last, and a thousand false reports spread, and many think the men not so much in the wrong as their Colonel, who they say has not cloathed them as he ought, and they alledge severall things against him. He was so much vexed that he has kept his bed ever since.
1 P. Liv. 3 p. LIV.
1 P. XLVII. 4 Ibid.
INTRODUCTION. bcv
Yesterday morning the last Division marched to Greenwich, and the first to Gravesend and thereabouts. The Detachment of 600 of the Foot- Guards came from Barnet, commanded by Colonel Douglas, about two hours after them, and an Express sent to Colonel WoolFs Marines to be in readyness in case any of them should Desert at their Imbarkation. There is no account this day of any of those that went first of being taken ; they were yesterday morning at seven o'clock within a few miles of Bedford in a wood. In their march the day before thro' Margret Street they asked for Provisions, which they offered to pay for, but on their Refusal they took all the Bread and cheese and Bacon they found in the shops as they marched along, but did no other harm. They have a corporals and a Piper with them, and about 100 men. They attempted to get the colours out of the Ensign's Quarters, but he stript them of the Staff and gave them to a woman who took them out of the house.
When Capt. Munro came up with those that deserted on Thursday, they fixed their Bayonets and desired him to stand or they would shoot him, and taking out his pistol was Disarmed ; but at last they were persuaded to return with him, except a corporal and 6 men, who would not unless he promised their Pardon. The Regents have pardoned those that returned.
I saw an officer from Grenwich yesterday, who says they were very cherefull and contented to go, provided they were redressed, which they sent a Serjeant to town with the day before ; that Lord Crawfurd allowed them a shirts, and now have but one, which I hear is not to be comply'd with ; and it's not the custom of the army, but that they are to have an anr soon of the complaint of having two pence stoped of their Brogues, Ld Crawfurd allowing a shilling.1
By this time the hopelessness of their enterprise must have been realized by the Highlanders ; the failure of the rest of their comrades to accompany or follow them was a bitter disappoint- ment ; they were but a small body of men on foot, surrounded by unknown numbers of well-mounted troops ; they had accomplished but a fraction of the distance they had set themselves to traverse — but they could stand on their defence, or might succeed in obtaining terms of surrender which would relieve them from the consequences of their act. With this end in view, on the same day, Saturday the aist, they sent a message to a Justice of the Peace,
1 Chrtmt. of tht Alholl * Tullibardint Fams.. ii. 461.
Ixvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
Major John Creed, who came to them that night.1 The Rev. Mr. Campbell records that Samuel McPherson a short time after they came to Lady Wood, "applied to a Justice of the Peace to propose terms of surrender, and during all their stay there, used his utmost endeavours to prevent things coming to the last extremity."
The Major advised them to surrender ; and on leaving them wrote to the Duke of Montagu, reporting the interview.2 Re- turning next morning he conferred with some of the " gentlemen Highlanders," and renewed his advice that they should surrender, " and depend upon the King's mercy and clemency," assuring them that the Duke of Montagu " would stand their friend as much as possible."3 But the Highlanders could not then be persuaded to follow the suggestion of the well-meaning Justice ; they would, however, on receipt of " a sufficient pardon " signed by the Lords Justices and the Secretary at War, be willing to return to the Regiment, on one of their officers being sent to conduct them back. This interview, which took place at five o'clock in the morning, was the same day reported to the Duke of Montagu by Major Creed by a letter written upon the spot by his direction, and signed by him, in which he urged his Grace to send a reply by the first post to the men's proposals.4 He at the same time by another letter apprised Major Otway of the situation, and desired him to abstain from hostile measures until the Duke's answer was received, adding " They are brave, bold sort of people, and are resolved not to submit till their pardon comes down."5
The same morning (the 22nd), the Highlanders appear to have sent a communication to Major Otway, at Kettering, seven miles
1 P. LV. The author of the Short History thus describes Major Creed: "As worthy
and well esteemed a man as any in the kingdom, whose love of liberty, whose loyalty to the present Royal family, and whose affection for the true interest of his country, are as well known as his courage, prudence, and beneficence, virtues which have been long hereditary in his family."
2 P. LV.
3 P. LVI ; it does not appear that the Duke made any effort to save the men from the
" mercy and clemency " meted out to them.
4 P. LVI.
5 P. LVII.
INTRODUCTION. Ixvii
distant,1 in consequence of which he sent Captain Renkine to treat with them ; that officer returning with a document delivered to him by Corporal Samuel McPherson, to be given to the Major "as the unanimous resolution of the whole body of them,"2 containing the terms of surrender proposed to Major Creed, and the intimation that if these were not granted they preferred to continue their march, or die in the attempt, rather than return as prisoners.3 Captain Renkine's interview with the Highlanders must have taken place early in the morning, Major Otway's letter to the Duke of Montagu being dated "Sunday Forenoon," prior to which the Major had despatched Lieutenant Chaworth express to the Secre- tary at War with the men's ultimate resolution.4 From the Major's letter it appears that he had assured the men of the Duke's " great compassion " for them, and promised to intercede with his Grace on their behalf. The letter also shows that the Major received considerable help from Mr. Stanley, the Duke's steward, and from the Duke of Bedford, in the pursuit, the latter having sent mounted servants all round the country. The gallant Major would seem to have been genuinely sorry for the Highlanders; and in addition to appealing for them in his letter to the Duke of Montagu, he instructed Lieutenant Chaworth to enforce to his Grace by word of mouth his reasons for mercy.6
Captain Renkine also wrote to the Duke of Montagu pleading for the Highlanders, adding,
"As I have followed them from Barnet from the time they deserted from the Corps I have not heard of the least act of violence offered to any one ; even so cautious, that when they wanted a guide and hired two countrymen they met, one of whom run from them, they did not follow him ; and when the other told them he did not care go farther, they rewarded and dismissed him."
1 P. LVIII
* P. LIX. " Corporal Macfcnon who bad assumed a kind of command amongst them
thought At to write a letter in the name of the whole body."— Land. Mag.. May,
p. 236. » P. LIX. •P. LX. »JM*.
Ixviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
The Captain also mentioned some of the reasons given for their conduct—
"As that many of them being as well born as some of their officers, were never listed by them, nor received any pay, but were desired to come up only and be reviewed by the King, and then to return to Scotland, whereas they were informed they were to be sold for slaves &c3."1
The Highlanders apparently now thought themselves safe until replies to the representations made in their behalf by Major Creed and Major Otway were received. But in the meantime General Blakeney, being apprised by Major Otway of the men's situation in Lady Wood,2 ordered three troops of General Wade's Regiment of Horse, and three troops of General Churchill's Dragoons, to march to the locality ; and Captain John Ball of General Wade's Horse proceeded to interview the Highlanders, who refused to surrender except upon the terms already indicated ; and suggested that the General should await the return of the express sent by Major Otway to the Secretary at War.2 From a letter sent by the Highlanders to Major Creed directly after the Captain's departure ; it appears that the latter had threatened to go for his squadron and attack them, and in the letter they invoked the Major's aid in postponing this action until the receipt by him of the Duke of Montagu's reply.3 The writer of the " Short History " states that " together with this letter the Highlanders sent a message to Major Creed, importing that they were not such raw soldiers as not to know how to make the most of an advantageous post ; and that if things came to extremities, they would certainly make the most vigorous resistance possible, and die to a man rather than surrender on any other terms than those which they had proposed to him." The Major at once sent his answer in which he again advised them to surrender, promising, if they acted on this advice, to continue his representations to the Duke on their behalf.4 The Major's letter is said to have been the means of inducing the men to reconsider their resolution to die rather than surrender.5
1 P. LXI. * P. LXH. * Ibid. Note 2.
2 P. LXXIII. 4 P. LXIII.
INTRODUCTION. Ixix
General Blakeney having arrived in the afternoon, and negotia- tions, through the medium of Captain Ball, having been resumed, the latter appears at first to have incurred the anger of the leading spirits among the Highlanders, by attempting to induce certain of their number to surrender.1 The General's absolute refusal to entertain the terms proposed by the men ; his promise that on their peaceable surrender the most favourable report should be made of them to the Lords Justices — a report, it may be noted, of which no mention is to be found amongst the Official Records ; and his threat that if they remained obstinate an hour longer not a man of them would be left alive, seem to have led to their surrender about ten o'clock the same night, Corporal McPherson2 being the first to inform Captain Ball that he would surrender,3 and " Donald McAlpen together with Patrick Nicholson " [McNicol] being the first actually to surrender to General Blakeney.4 Probably the threat to attack the Highlanders would not have been carried out ;5 but if it had, the latter would undoubtedly have been able, fully armed as they were, to inflict fearful losses on their assailants before being overcome.
The Rev. Mr. Campbell writes,
"At last being in some hopes of a pardon by the intervention of his Grace the Duke of Montague, to whom application was made in their behalf, they surrendered on discretion, in which Samuel McPherson was the most instrumental, as will be acknowledged by the officers to whom he surrendered."
The following detailed account of General Blakeney 's move- ments from the igth until the surrender, although not official, may, it is thought, be accepted as accurate ; it appeared in the General Evening Post^ and the London Magazine as an " Extract of a letter from Northampton, dated May 30":—
"As the publick would be willing to have a particular account of the surrender and taking of the Highlanders who had in so open a manner, and with
\'nle Samuel McPhenon's portrait, f. 96. No doubt Samuel. Vide p. 164. Vide p. 163. P. LXXXV.
Ixx THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
so much seeming obstinacy and resolution deserted their colours in order to return to Scotland, I have inclosed an account which contains the whole matter thereof, which you may pleasure your readers with, and is as follows : —
"On Thursday the igth instant, about five in the evening, advice was brought to Gen. Blakeney in this town that five of the Highland deserters had been at the Bull Head in Eakley Lane ; on which it was conceiv'd that the whole body of them were in the woods thereabouts: Whereupon Capt. Ball1 of General Wade's Regiment of Horse was requested by Gen. Blakeney (as being well acquainted with those woods and forests) to make search after them ; which being done, and nothing further heard of them, he return'd to the General, when it was the received opinion that the body of deserters might have pass'd in the night the other road for Wellingborough, Peterborough, or Stamford ; on which Capt. Ball had orders to set out immediately for Hunting- don, to march with all expedition the squadron of Horse that then lay there, towards Stamford ; and if he should light upon them, to attack them in what place soever they were.
"At Stilton Capt. Ball receiv'd an express from the General, that the deserters had, about three in the afternoon on Friday, crossed Irthlingborough Bridge, near Wellingborough, and therefore he must immediately follow the General towards Kettering and Rockingham. About four the next morning, as Capt. Ball was marching by Lady Wood, near Brigstock, some of the Highlanders in the woods observ'd his troops, undiscover'd to the Captain, on which they kept close within cover, which prevented the rout (as they had guides with them) of their intended march between Uppingham and Hallaton, the direct cross road into Nottinghamshire.
"At Capt. Ball's arrival in Uppingham he dispatched, about eight on Sunday morning, a keeper of Lord Gainsborough's, who most perfectly knew the woods and forests, if possible, to trace and find out the lodgment of the deserters, and about twelve he return'd with word that they lay in Lady Wood aforesaid ; on which Capt. Ball's squadron mounted (first sending an express to the General at Stamford for further orders) and directed Capt. Wade to march towards Dean Thorpe, about two miles distance, to another part of the woods, whilst Capt. Ball went into the wood with Quartermaster Carr, with intent of prevailing with them to surrender, but it proved to little purpose ; and before any express could be received back from the General, orders came for Capt. Ball to march his forces as near the deserters as convenient ; and about seven at night the General with one squadron of Churchill's Dragoons and one of
1 Lieut. John Ball was on 21 Feb. 1735, nominated to be Capt. -Lieut, to the Lieut. -Geril.'s own troop in the room of Capt. -Lieut. Richards deed., in Lt.-Genl. George Wade's Regt. of Horse.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxi
Wade's Horse join'd Capt. Ball near Bennifield, and about nine all drew up in order near the wood where the Highlanders lay. Soon after some of the heads of them sent word to the General, that Capt. Ball (whom before they had some conversation with) might come into the woods to them with the conditions they were to expect on their surrender, which being only to lay down their arms and submit themselves prisoners, they, one and all, absolutely refused this sub- mission, and demanded that they might every man have their arms, and under the General's hand a free pardon, or they would be cut to pieces before they'd submit. Upon this Capt. Ball, being willing to observe in what manner they had encamp'd themselves, desired he might be conducted to their whole body, in order to treat with them altogether. On his admittance, he found them drawn up with a very thick wood on the rear, a large ditch about four or five feet high, with a forest hedge thereon, in manner as near as could be like an half moon ; before them was a small path about four feet wide, with a strong and thick wood behind that ; on each end of the half moon they had planted 20 men to secure the path, and in the body about 70 ; the rest were to guard the high gate that led to the path. When the Captain had view'd the situation they were in, he told them 'twas not in his power to grant them their conditions, but would acquaint the General therewith ; which being done, Capt. Ball was order'd back to them, and finding some of them inclinable to surrender, he encouraged them, and would have talk'd with others separately ; but four of them, in a most resolute manner, presented their firelocks at him,1 and swore that if he offer'd to talk or treat with any more of their company separately, they would shoot him immediately : On which Capt. Ball deliver'd the General's conditions on their surrender, viz., that if they would peaceably lay down their arms, and submit themselves prisoners, he assured them the most favourable report should be made of them to the Lords Justices. But on their protesting again that they would be cut to pieces before they'd capitulate on other conditions than before they had demanded — of their arms and a free pardon for all — Capt. Ball told them tliat, as yet, he was their friend, and would do all in his power to serve them ; but if they continued obstinate an hour longer (as they were entirely surrounded by the King's forces) every man of them would be cut to pieces ; and he assured them, that for his part, he would positively grant quarter to none ; and demanded that two of their company might be order'd to conduct him out of the wood : which being granted, and the Captain finding by the discourse he had with the conducters, that they (being brothers) were inclinable to surrender, he absolutely promised them both a free pardon ;* and taking one of them with him, dismiss'd the other back with his arms, to desire and try whether fair words, &c., would prevail
1 ViJ« Samotl McPhenon's portrait, p. 56. 1 A promise which was not fulfilled.
Ixxii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
with the rest. He very soon return'd with 13 more, and the guard at the gate soon complied with the Captain's request and intreaties. After the Captain had marched these a little way from the wood, he dispatch'd one of them to the main body to inform them how many of their fellows had submitted, and in about half an hour 17 more came and surrender'd, all which were immediately march'd with their arms (the powder being blown out of each man's pan) by Capt. Ball to the General, where they laid down their arms : • When returning again to the wood, the whole body (being 98 in number1, the rest being scatter'd about the country) submitted to the General's conditions, and being directly put under the care and charge of Capt. Ball (who com- manded General Wade's Regiment) they were about two on Monday morning, convey 'd to Oundle and marched to Kettering, and on Tuesday about noon to this town, where they rested two nights, and were by Capt. Ball escorted for London on Thursday morning, in order to be secured in the Tower, till the pleasure of the Lords Justices is known on this affair.
N.B. They had secured themselves (as they wanted not for money) with bread, beer, and bacon for at least a week, and had about 14 charges of ammunition apiece."2
On the subject of the surrender, the author of the "Short History " thus comments :
" Such was the end of this wild-goose expedition, which sufficiently shews how little probability there is of succeeding in attempts of this nature. The Highlanders had certainly all the incentives men could have to march briskly, and make the best of their way home, for they were surrounded every where with the King's troops, and had no prospect but that of death, if they were taken. Neither were they very slow in their proceedings, since they were near seventy miles from London when they were taken. Yet when we reflect that this was not above a fifth part of their journey, it makes it very evident, that they could not have entertained a worse founded notion than this of making a retreat through the heart of so well cultivated a country as England, in which, at the same time, they were strangers and far from being beloved, sufficiently distinguished by their dress as soldiers, and still more so by the additional accoutrements of a Highland militia. These particulars no doubt were insisted upon by Captain Ball, when he perswaded them to surrender, and when the fellows came to think coolly, nobody can wonder, that these reasons had their weight, and thereby destroyed that system confederacy which was to
1 Vide P. LXXXVIII.
2 The author of the Short History appears to have utilized this account for the
purposes of his book.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxiii
have held these rash men together. Tliat they shewed less courage in throwing down their arms, than was expected, is, I must confess, a charge in my opinion, not to be regarded, since fighting to make one's condition worse, is, setting aside all notions of law, honour, or justice, a very foolish thing. Some shadow they had of escaping by a surrender, whereas the death of one of the King's troops had been the death of them all, and in this situation, I think few people would have a stomach to fight, especially in a strange country, and without the least degree of hope. So that taking things altogether, their surrender is rather a mark of their sense, than an imputation on their courage, which I think is acknowledged in the foregoing relation of Captain Ball himself,} who seems to be a very proper judge of it."
1 From (hit reference it would appear thai the writer of the letter from Northampton of 30th May containing the foregoing account (pp. Izx-ii) was Captain Ball himself.
Ixxiv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
VI.
" While this was doing in the country," says the writer of the " Short History," " there was nothing but the flight of the High- landers talked of in town. The wiser sort blamed it, but some of their hot-headed countrymen were for comparing it to the retreat of the 10,000 Greeks through Persia, by which, for the honour of the antient kingdom of Scotland, Corporal MacPherson was erected into a Xenophon."
Meantime at an extraordinary1 meeting of the Lords Justices on the 23rd, the Secretary at War, with whom was General Wade, laid before their Lordships Major Otway's letter enclosing the docu- ment received from Corporal McPherson containing the Highlanders' terms ; and the letters of Major Otway, Major Creed, and Captain Renkine to the Duke of Montagu, were also read, as well as General Blakeney's letter of the 22nd ; Lieutenant Chaworth, who had been sent express by Major Otway, informing their Lordships, amongst other details, that the Highlanders had only marched during the night, and had paid for their provisions. The result of the deliberations of the Lords Justices was to utterly ignore the humane representations of Major Otway, Major Creed, and Captain Renkine, and to order letters to be sent to General Blakeney and Major Otway expressing disapproval of the negotiations which had taken place between the latter and the Highlanders, and directing the General to execute their Lordships' original orders.2 But these letters were never despatched, Major Ruisshe Hassel, whom the General had sent express, having arrived at the War Office the same evening with the news of the Highlanders' surrender, and the General's request that a detachment of Foot should be sent to assist in conducting them when near London.
1 P. LXIX. J P. LXVII.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxv
On the following morning Major Hassel attended at the meeting of the Lords Justices, and acquainted them with the details of the surrender, and directions were given to the Secretary at War to order two companies of Foot-Guards to march to Highgate, there to await the Highlanders' arrival, and assist in conducting them to the Tower; to their Lordships' Secretary to write to the Constable of the Tower1 to make provision for keeping them in safe custody there ;- and to General Blakeney notifying their appreciation of his services and those of the officers who acted under him, and requesting him, pursuant to their Lordships' former orders, to send up the Highlanders under a strong guard to the Tower.3 The Secretary at War was also directed to send orders to the troops quartered at Newcastle, Carlisle, Berwick, &c., to return to their quarters, but to watch for and secure any of the High- landers who might attempt to pass through these localities.4 The Marquess of Twceddale, at the same time, reported that he had written to the Lord Advocate and the Lord Justice Clerk as to taking proper measures in conjunction with General Guest for preserving the peace of the Highlands ; and the Secretary at War was directed to write to General Guest to the same intent. The steps taken by the latter are set forth in a letter to the Secretary at War.8
On the same day Lord John Murray writes the following account of the surrender to the Duke of Atholl : —
May 34* [1743].
Dear Brother, — . . . The Highlanders that Deserted were on Sunday last beset by severall Troops of Horse and Dragoons in Sudberry* wood, near Oundle in Northamptonshire, where they were waiting in expectation of the rest of their compagnions. They Demanded a free pardon of Lieut :-Colonel Otway, who commanded the Detachment, and that they might have one of their own officers to march them back, with their arms, otherwise they would
Lord Cornwall!*.
P. LXXIV.
P. LXXVI.
P. LXXVII-LXXXI.
IV XCV. See also P.
Sud borough ; correct name Lady Wood.
Ixxvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
fight to the last. He sent an express to the Regency of their Demands, and also to Brigadier Blaikney, who was about eight milles beyond them. He came up with them at night, and on their insisting on the same Demands, told them he could give no pardon, but advised them to surrender at Descretion, otherwise would attack them, and ordred three Troops of Dragoons to dismount, and the Rest surrounded the wood. The Highlanders drew up as if to fire, but after some little parley, they laid down their arms. Corporal McFerson of Major Grant's company,1 supposed to be the ringleader, went first up to the Brigadier and surrendred himself, then the other Corporal;2 after that about twenty more, and the rest followed soon after, about nintey in all. They made some Difficulty in giving up their swords, which they said were their own, but at last comply'd. There was thirteen troops of Horse and Dragoons in all, who are to guard them up within a few milles of London, and the Foot-Guards to bring them thro' the city to the Tower. They don't own any Ringleaders, but say they are all equally concerned. They are most of them Mcfersons, Camerons, and Campbells. The other seven who would not return with those of the second Desertion are all come back except their Corporal. >
The Serjeants also made a complaint the day after that sent up by the men from Greenwich, that their shirts were course and not so good as what Ld Crawfurd gave ; but none makes any complaint of their officers, except Lord Semple, who is something better, and was at the Cockpitt this day attending on the Regency. 'Tis thought by most their complaints frivelous, and that some People are at the bottom of this affair in spiriting them up. . . .
Most of the Highland Reg' had a notion that you had advised their coming up, which I hear was generally said before their march, and that you wrote to Scotland there was independant companys to be raised, and that Mr McDonald of Lochgary, formerly called the Laird of Sandwick, reported this amongst the rest, and that you was to bring down his commission as Capt : to one of them. I think it were worth enquiring about this, and tracing it, for it must have been spoke with no good intent. I remember Glengary wrote to you and me about a cousin of his of that name to be provided in a commission last year.
I long to hear from you, as you promised me from Edinburgh, and please lett me know what is said of this affair. I was relived last Saturday from the Tower. As I suppose Ld George is with you, shan't trouble him with a repetition of this affair of the Desertion ; but if not, I wish you would send it him..*
1 Samuel.
2 This was not so ; vide p. Ixix.
3 Chrons. of the Atholl & Tttllibardine Fains., ii, 462-463.
INTRODUCTION*. Ixxvii
Two days later his Lordship writes to the Duke,
London, May 26th [1743].
Dear Brother, — I wrote last post of the Highland Deserters having surrendred themselves to Brig : Blaikney in Sudberry Wood in Northampton- shire, and Ld Semple told me he would be extreamly glad to have an other Reg1, which he has asked for, and belive he will get, as there is two vacant at present. They have been so much spirited up for some reason or other, tho' their complaints have appeared very frivelous, that he says he can never have any satisfaction in commanding them. I have therefore, by good advice, made application to the Duke of Newcastle and Mr Pelham to succeed his Lop :, as I am an elder Lieutenant-Colonel then Sr Robert Munro, and your Interest in the Highlands far superior to his. I must therefore beg the favour of you to write to Gen1 Clayton to Reccomend me for that Reg1, whoes oppinion will
have great weight.1 . . .
•
The Reg* Imbarked Tuesday at four o'clock in the afternoon at Gravesend, and as they had a fair wind, 'tis thought they will be at Ostend this night. They all seemed in good spirits and very quiet. Capt : Munro of Newmore and two other Officers stay to be evidences at the Court- Martial. Ld Semple is something better, but don't go over yet. He is very desirous I should succeed him when he gets an other Reg*. I hear Brig : Blaikney, who is come to town, says Corporal Mcfearson was not amongst those that surrendred,1 having got off before.*
Y™ most affJ,
JOHN MURRAY.
At the meeting of the Lords Justices on the 26th, General Blakeney attended, and gave an account of his proceedings in the affair ; and on his mentioning that the arms of the Highlanders had been brought to town, their Lordships directed that the.->e should be immediately sent to the Tower and secured there. The Deputy- Lieutenant of the Tower also attended, and on his explaining that it would be impossible to lodge the Highlanders in the wardens' houses in the Tower, and suggesting that a storehouse might be cleared for their reception, their Lordships ordered a letter to be sent to the Master-General of the Ordnance to give
1 Lord John Murray ioOMtded Lord Serapill in the command of the Regiment, 25th
Apr. 1743.
1 This report WM of coarse incorrect. 1 CAroiu. of the Alholl & T»llibardin« Famt . ii, 463.
Ixxviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
directions for cleaning a storehouse or storehouses accordingly ; the Deputy- Lieutenant also receiving directions as to the custody of the Highlanders, and the food to be supplied to them. The Marquess of T%veeddale informed the Lords Justices that he apprehended there might be occasion for some new orders to be given for securing the peace of the Highlands since the removal of the Highland Regiment from thence, and proposed that some of His Majesty's troops quartered in Scotland might be disposed in such manner as might be most effectual for that purpose ; and the Secretary at War was directed to write to General Guest to that effect.1 The Secretaries of the Lords Justices were at the same time instructed to write to Lord Carteret with a view to representing to the King the propriety of giving a gratuity to General Blakeney in recognition of his services, and of making good to the troops the losses in horses which they had sus- tained.2 The King approving of these proposals, and leaving the matter to be settled at the discretion of the Lords Justices,3 General Blakeney ultimately received £200, and Major Hassel £"50 ; a further sum of £143 „ 4 „ 6 being paid to the General to make good the expenses of the officers and the losses in horses.4
After their surrender, the Highlanders were conducted to a neighbouring church,5 and were, it appears, each subsequent night lodged in a church " for their better preservation " ; 6 but it is also on record that at St. Albans and Barnet they were secured in a barn.7 On their way to London, they were attended by a detach- ment of General Wade's and the Duke of Montagu's Horse;8 and on reaching Highgate about nine o'clock in the morning of the 3ist, they were met by a detachment of the First Foot-Guards,9 which assisted in conveying them to the Tower, where they arrived soon after one o'clock.10
1 Vide P. LXXXI, XCV. CX. 6 Cat. Mcr.. 31 May.
' P. CI. ' Gent's Mag.. May.
3 P. CXV. » P. LXXXV.
4 P. CXXV ; A. XXIII. • P. XCIV. 'Thrapstone, P. LXXIII. 10 Westmr. Jourl., 4 June.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxix
"There were 101 of the Highlanders, and their arms were tied behind them."1
"This day the Highlanders were carried thro' the city, pinioned and very much dejected, to the Tower. Each soldier on duty there is furnished with ten shot, in order to prevent disturbance."*
At the Lords Justices' meeting of that day, after consulting the Secretary at War and General Wade, their Lordships decided that, in view of the importance of the case, the Court-Martial should consist entirely of field-officers, with Major-General Folliott as president ; and the Secretary at War was directed to prepare the requisite warrant for signature, and to write to the Constable of the Tower3 (where the Court-Martial was to be held), and to the Master-General of the Ordnance,4 informing them of their Lordships' orders. Captain John Munro, who attended, was requested to prepare a list of such of the Highlanders as he might think best qualified to give their Lordships " private informa- tion regarding the true causes of the desertion, in order to their being separated from the rest for that purpose " ; and the Secretary at War was instructed to "signify to the Constable of the Tower their directions that Samuel Macpherson and Malcolm Macpherson, corporals, and Donell MacDonell, piper, be not allowed to remain with the rest of the prisoners, but be separated from them, and kept singly in different confinements."5 There is nothing to show that the piper had taken a prominent part in the affair ; and his place as a principal offender was subsequently taken by Farquhar Shaw, who had escaped, but was taken about the 2jth in Stafford- shire;6 and probably did not arrive in London until after the opening of the Court-Martial at the Tower : in any case he was the last of the men to be tried there.7
There seems to be nothing to support the view that the
1 Wtttmr. Jourl . 4 June. ' Cat Jitr. 6 June. P XCVII.
XCVJII
XCVI ; XCIX. They teem to have been confined in the Tower prison.— Wetttnr.
Jourl., 4 Jane.
XCIII.
XVII.
Ixxx THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
mutineers, or indeed any of the Highland Regiment were Jacobites at heart, despite Horace Walpole's letter to Sir Horace Mann of igth May, which contains the following :—
" We are in more confusion than we care to own. There lately came up a Highland Regiment from Scotland, to be sent abroad. One heard of nothing but their good discipline and quiet disposition. When the day came for their going to the water-side, an hundred and nine of them mutinied, and marched away in a body. They did not care to go where it would not be equivocal for what King they fought. Three companies of dragoons are sent after them. If you happen to hear of any rising, don't be surprised — I shall not, I assure you. Sir Robert Monroe, their lieutenant-colonel, before their leaving Scotland, asked some of the Ministry, 'But suppose there should be any rebellion in Scotland, what should we do for these eight hundred men?' It was answered, 'Why, there would be eight hundred fewer rebels there.'"1
If these views, although apparently entirely unwarranted, were shared by the King and the other Ministers, the hopelessness of any leniency being shown the unfortunate prisoners will be obvious. It is of interest, however, to note that Sir Robert Munro evidently shared the views of Lord President Forbes as to the danger of removing the Black Watch from the Highlands.
The impartial writer of the " Short History," remarks on the subject of the men's sentiments :
" On this [the review] they had fixed great hopes and built mighty expectations on their being seen and considered by His Majesty or some of the Royal family, for whom, without question, they have a most sincere and loyal respect. . . .
" There is no ground to imagine that any of this Regiment are tainted with such idle prejudices ; they have always distinguished themselves by their loyalty to the present King, and even this mistake of theirs demonstrates their love for their country, which would pass for an excuse with some people."
By 26th May the news had reached the Scottish capital, on which date a citizen wrote to a friend in the north,
" I am sorry for the blunders our countreymen have committed in deserting from their collours to the numr. of no less than 150 at one time, 70 at anoyr, and 6 at a third. It's reported that Captn Monro and our ffriend Auchter2 followed,
1 Walpole's Letters (1857), i, 246.
1 Lieut. Lewis Grant of Auchterblair and Carron.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxi
and by persuasions reclaimed 48 ; and there are parties of dragoons in pursuite of the rest, and expresses to all the places of England where they can be supposed to pass to the fforces to intercept them ; and if they make resistance, to repell force by force. I am sorry for their officers, who must be in great consternation by such an affair, and even for the poor unhappy fellows them- selves, as it's impossible for them to get out of England ; for if they did, I should think their retreat as famous as that of the 10,000 Grecians under the conduct of Xenophon.
" Since writing the above there are acco" that 18 of them are apprehended at S' Albans by Wade's Dragoons, but a body of 160 are marching northward with all expedition, and resolved to make their way home, or die in the attempt. This is to go by M George Grant, minr of Boharm, who probably will be home before the post reach you, which is the reason of my troubling you with this acco1 of our countreymen."1
But little or no sympathy with the deluded men was expressed in the London publications of the period : it should be borne in mind, however, that the citizens of London were, for the most part, profoundly ignorant of the history of the Black Watch. The following effusion, which appeared in the London Magazine, (p. 304), may, perhaps, be assumed to have represented their
sentiments : —
THE DESERTING HIGHLANDERS. Away, false northern kerns, well you deserve The greatest punishment, at home to starve, 'Midst barren rocks and dreary mountains nurs'd, They think themselves in southern air accurs'd Unus'd to sun-shine, their cold oatmeal blood Loaths our good beef and pudding, English food. From cloaths and briggs and siler, bonny pay, Siler, a strange new sight, they run away : Except in ruthless skies no joys they feel, And one and all, 'gainst happiness rebel. Thus when wise Moses, by Divine command, Led forth God's people to the promis'd land, The leprous tribes, with quails and manna fed By Heaven's own hand, loath 'd their coelestial bread, Long'd for their chains and garlick once again ; And would have render'd all their blessings vain, Surely the land where milk and honey flow'd On thankless Israelites was ill bestow'd.
1 John Grant of Deloabo. writer in Edinburgh . to Robert Grant of Tammore. Original in Brit. Mas.
Ixxxii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
The foregoing lines, which display, throughout, ignorance animated by national prejudice, were not written, certainly not printed, when the subjoined verses were composed, which, strangely enough, constituted a by no means inappropriate reply: —
VERSES WRITTEN BY A HIGHLANDER THE DAY BEFORE HE WAS TAKEN.
Ye think our Highlands bleak and bare, O' Phoebus' Bounty ha' na Share ; And that, because far North we come, We're glad to leave our native Home. But much mista'en, ye little ken Each bonny Strath, and verdant Glen, Where Violets blow, and Hawthorns bloom Of Gardens fine supply the Room : And Coivdenknoivs and Yarrow Side, As much the blithsome Scotsman's Pride, Who near these pleasant Places dwells, As Windsor- Castle, or Versailles.
'Tis true, that we are unco' poor,
Our Lords and Lairds live on your Store,
But sare each earns whate'er he gets,
They're ye're own Tykes, and turn your Spits,
While we at Hame, wi* mickle Care,
Rub thro' our Lives wi' little Gear :
Yet now and then the Piper plays,
And Scottish Slaves forget their Waes,
Sing they'r aid Sangs, and are as canty
As English Clowns wi' aw. their Plenty.
Then winder not we're scarce inclin'd
To be in martial Bands confin'd,
Sent o'er the Sea, and far away
To make a Shew without our . . .^
But if this Humour's sae resented,
Banish us Hame, — and we're contented.
Take ye a ROBIN i' the Yard (And be his Case wi' ours compar'd) As lang as ye your Crumbs impart He pecks and sings wi' aw his Heart,
1 Pay (?). — ED.; "our" occurs in Cent's Mag. only; vide note contra.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxiii
And trusting to y're kind Protection, Makes ay your Window his Election ; There, wi' his Plaid athwart his Breast, He seeks his Meat or takes his Rest ; But if wi' him ye break ye're Wird, And seize, and cage the little Bird, Sullen at first he bears his Chain, Till stan'ing quits the greater Pain ; And Highlanders like Robins be, Alive or dead they mun be free.1
The attachment of the men to the Highlands, the breach of promises made to them, and, doubtless, the non-receipt of pay, are some of the most noteworthy points in ^these interesting lines, written under such extraordinary circumstances ; the name of their author, unfortunately, does not transpire.
On 24th May, the day after the news of the surrender reached London, the Secretaries of the Lords Justices wrote to Lord Carteret, who had accompanied the King to the Continent in his capacity of a Principal Secretary of State, with a full account of the matter, and enclosing copies of the minutes of their Lordships' proceedings on that and the previous day ;* all of which were laid before the King, as appears from his Lordship's reply of the 3ist.3 It is somewhat startling to find conveyed in this reply, before the warrant for holding a Court-Martial was even signed, what was virtually a command that " some of the most guilty " should be shot;4 though this was probably merely in confirmation of the views of the Lords Justices, expressed in the Duke of Newcastle's letter to Lord Carteret of 2Oth May, before the surrender of the Highlanders.6 Small wonder then, that the petitions of the three men and the intercession said to have been made on their behalf, were utterly futile, when the Government had at this stage fully
1 Wettmr. Jourl . 11 June (from ihe Champion). Gent'* Mag., June. pp. 322-323; margin of tntrtntnt. vide p. 81.
• P. LXXXV.
• P. CH. 4 Ibid
• P. XLVI.
v-
Ixxxiv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
decided on their fate. The King appears to have approved throughout of the steps taken, or proposed to be taken, from time to time by the Lords Justices in relation to the affair.
The Highlanders immediately after their incarceration in the Tower addressed a petition to the Lords Justices, setting forth what they had been told by the men of St. Clair's Regiment on the march southward, and by others after reaching London, acknowledging their error, and desiring to be sent to Flanders, where they hoped to have an opportunity of showing their zeal for His Majesty's service.1 The petition was presented to the Lords Justices and read at their meeting on 2nd June ; but no further notice was taken of it ; and the Government of George II. thus neglected a singular opportunity of securing for His Majesty, not only the gratitude and devotion of the men, but also of the many influential clans and families of which they were respectively members. There was, in short, an utter lack of ordinary political prudence and foresight in dealing with the prisoners, at a time when the Government could ill afford to incur the resentment of any of the clans ; whilst had the Highlanders' petition been granted, it may safely be assumed that by their valour they would have added to the fame acquired by their comrades within the short period of two years ; and their presence on the field of Fontenoy, the maiden battle of the Regiment, would have been invaluable in that stubbornly fought contest, in which the Black Watch gained so great distinction :2
" Witness disastrous Fontenoy, When all seemed lost, who brought us through ? Who saved defeat, secured retreat ? And bore the brunt ? — the ' Forty-two ' ! "
1 P. cm.
2 As an illustration of the desperate courage exhibited by the men at this battle we
may mention the case of Private James Campbell, who, having killed nine Frenchmen with his claymore, was in the act of attacking a tenth, when his arm was carried away by a cannon ball. The Duke of Cumberland nominated him on the field to a lieutenancy in the Regiment ; his portrait was published in 1745, and there was scarcely a village throughout England but had the walls of its cottages decorated with the representation of this warlike Celt. — Caulfield's Remarkable Persons, iii, 103-4.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxv
And this was the Regiment which before embarking for Flanders had been in a state of mutiny, and in which were many men who, as has been shown, had actually mutinied and deserted ! l
But the petition was ignored, and the warrant for summoning the Court-Martial was signed.2
The close confinement of the Highlanders in the Tower soon had a prejudicial effect on their health, in consequence of which it was suggested by the commanding officer there to the Secretary at War, that eight or ten of them at a time might have leave to walk about within the walls for the benefit of the air, attended by a proper guard ; which proposal on being submitted to the Lord's Justices was approved by them.3 Notwithstanding this concession, about a fortnight later, the surgeon's mate of the Scots Guards, then in garrison at the Tower, attended before the Lords Justices, and intimated that several of the Highlanders were ill as the result, it was thought, of their close confinement, " great numbers of them being kept in one room " ; the heat of the weather; and the nature of their food — bread, cheese, and oatmeal ; and proposed that what remained of their pay after allowing for their subsistance, should be paid to some suitable person to be applied in providing further necessaries for them ; and also that their confinement might not be so strict. The Lords Justices in consequence gave orders that some additional rooms should be prepared for the use of the Highlanders ; and that the surplus of their pay should be applied by Captain Munro for their benefit.4
1 /.«.. the own of the second desertion. 1 P. CIV-V. • P. CXMII 4 P. CXVII-XX.
8
Ixxxvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
VII.
The Court-Martial at the Tower began on Wednesday, the 8th, and concluded on Wednesday, the I5th June, the number of men tried being 104, including Farquhar Shaw, James McDonald, and Patrick McGrigor, alias McAlpine, who were taken after the surrender of the main body, numbering 101. The Court-Martial consisted of thirteen field-officers, none of whom was under the rank of lieutenant-colonel, the president being Major-General John Folliott, colonel of the First Foot- Guards. The value of the evidence given by the accused men is much diminished by reason of the following circumstances, recorded by the Rev. Mr. Campbell :
"The first day the Court-Martial sat, a person, a stranger to all the prisoners, came to the grate, and pretending a great deal of concern for their misfortune, advised them not to mention on their trial any complaint they might have against their officers, intimating that he was certain such a plea would not avail them, and without serving them would expose their officers.
" That the wisest course they could follow for their own safety would be to acknowledge their guilt, and plead mercy of the Court-Martial, which he assured them would effectually work their deliverance that no punishment would be inflicted on them, and at the same time presented them a petition1 which he had already drawn, addressed to the Court-Martial in these terms ; and they very frankly, relying on these assurances, signed and delivered the same to that honourable court.
" One of their officers came next day to the Tower and inculcated the same doctrine unto the prisoners that the stranger had done before, assuring them that they would all be liberate in a short time when all justice should be done them. . . .
" I cannot help in this place to take notice of the remarkable officiousness of this stranger. He takes upon him without being asked, or the least apparent interest in the prisoners, to advise them in matters of the last consequence to them, their lives and reputation ; has the rashness to prejudge the opinion of the honourable the Court-Martial in a point of law, which is at least a moot point amongst the lawyers themselves. How unreasonable was it for
1 Vide p. 209.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxvii
any man to pretend to determine what weight any plea would have before a court of judicature determining in a case of life and death ; and how unjust to the prisoners to advise them to conceal any circumstance in their case that might have the smallest tendency towards alleviating their crimes, or raising the smallest motions of compassion towards them in the breasts of their judges."
As will be seen from the report of the proceedings, the petition which had thus been foisted upon them, was presented by Private William Gordon, the first to be tried, on behalf of all the prisoners ; and was duly read. The men, having by its terms pled guilty and disclaimed their contention that " we were levied only to guard the Highlands and not to be imploy'd elsewhere", in the course of their examination generally; said nothing byway of defence, and made no allegations whatsoever against their officers ; the advice which had been given them was therefore, it would seem, carefully followed — but the assurances of acquittal, on the other hand, were not destined to be realized. The general questions put to the prisoners, in addition to the enquiry whether they had any complaint against their officers, were : (i) whether they had been duly enlisted and attested; (2) whether the Articles of War had been read to them ; (3) whether they had received their pay and clothing; (4) what caused their desertion; (5) whether they had had any leader; and (6) what was their religion. Their answers were, with very few exceptions, to the same effect — to i, 2, and 3, in the affirmative; to 4, the report that they were to be sent to the West Indies ; to 5, in the negative ; to 6, that they were of the Protestant, Presbyterian, or Whig religion. So unanimous were their answers as to the cause of their desertion, that the question was asked whether they had not all agreed to make the same excuse. Amongst those who gave evidence were Lord Sempill, General Blakeney, Captain John Munro, Captain Ball, Lieutenant Malcolm Eraser, and several non-commissioned officers of the Regiment, and it is of special interest to find their officers testifying generally to the good character borne by the accused men, Captain John Munro stating exceptionally that Corporal Samuel Macpherson bore "an exceeding
S 2
Ixxxviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
good character," and Piper Donald Macdonald " a particular good character." Despite this, and the fact that a number of the men had not been duly attested,1 the Court-Martial pronounced all of them except one guilty of both mutiny and desertion, and sentenced them to death ; the exception being Patrick Campbell alias McGrigor, who, having deserted from Hampstead three days before the review, was found guilty of desertion only, and received the trifling sentence of " 1,000 lashes with a cat-of-nine tails upon his bare back at five different times, vizt., 200 each time ! "
Such was the " mercy of the Court-Martial " on which the deluded men had been induced to rely. In the petition, which had clearly been drawn in the interests of others, and which the prisoners had too readily adopted and signed, it is not surprising to find no reason given for being " fatally impressed with an opinion that we were levied to guard the Highlands, and not to be employed elsewhere." Had evidence been given that the men had, on enlisting, received assurances that they would not be required to serve outside the Highlands ; and that they had been induced to march for the south by misrepresentations, the finding of the Court-Martial would, or should, have been very different : men who for the most part knew little or no English,2 had, it may be assumed, no great appreciation of the terms of the Articles of War ; and in any event the assurances of their officers, in their native tongue, would have been unhesitatingly accepted and relied on. Three of the Highlanders — William Eraser, Donald McGrigor, and Donald Cameron, junior — having been taken and brought to the Savoy Prison after the conclusion of the trial of the others, the Lords Justices, at their meeting on 28th June, signed a warrant for a Court-Martial to be held at the Horse Guards, General Folliott again being nominated as president.3 The Court-Martial was held on 4th July, and the proceedings were similar to those at the
1 E.g., Corporal Malcolm Macpherson ; Private Alexr. Fraser ; Private John MacGrigor, senior ; Private John MacGrigor, junior ; Piper Donald Macdonald ; Private Patrick McNicol ; and Private Duncan Mclntyre.
1 The Duke of Atholl notes that " of the 104 Privates tried, 84 were unable to speak English, and had to be examined through interpreters." — Narrative, p. 13,
1 P. cxxn.
INTRODUCTION. Ixxxix
previous trial ; the three men being found guilty of mutiny and desertion, and sentenced to death. Eraser, it may be noted, had succeeded in reaching Warrington in Lancashire before being captured, whilst Cameron was taken near Liverpool. McGrigor, like the rest, denied that they had had any leader; but both Captain Munro and Lieutenant Fraser gave evidence as to his previous admission that Corporal Samuel McPherson had assumed the command from the time they met on Finchley Common.
The " Short History " was written before the Report of the Court-Martial was made, and the author concludes his work in
these words :
t " What now remains, but that we wish them as men, as unfortunate
men, as strangers, as people bewitched with the love of bleak heaths and barren mountains, and yet our fellow-creatures and fellow-subjects, a good deliverance. If what shall be offered in their favour, to those in whose hands their lives now lie, shall be thought wtighty enough to bear down the load of reproach their foolish action has brought upon them, let them receive mercy. If the present situation of things, and the necessity of preserving military discipline in a time of war, render this inexpedient, let them feel the severity of justice. But if upon a strict examination any circumstances have been found which exaggerate their crimes, to a degree unworthy of all pity, let their fears pronounce their sentence, let them not be shot like soldiers, let them be transported to tht WEST-INDIES."
The writer, as already stated, seems to have been an Englishman, who, obviously, had no predilection for Highlanders ; but who, with such information as he possessed, endeavoured to present an impartial account of the Regiment down to the Court-Martial. From his standpoint, therefore, the severest punishment that could be imposed on the unfortunate men was not death, but transportation to the West Indies ; a fate to which so many of them were actually doomed.
xc THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
VIII.
" Far away from the hearths And the hearts that are dear. For ever and ever Our dwelling is here ; To Scotia's loved home scenes Of glen, cliff, and moor, Tha phill sinn tulidh We return no more."
— A. Macgregor Rose.
Meantime efforts had not, it seems, been wanting to help the prisoners. Thus, we read :
" Great intercession is making here by people of all ranks and both sexes, in favours of the unfortunate Highlanders : It is among other things alledged in their behalf, that a report was artfully convoyed to them after their review, of their being sent to Jamaica as draughts, and that their officers were to return to Scotland to levy another regiment."1
The report of the proceedings at the Court-Martial held at the Tower was submitted to the Lords Justices at their meeting on 28th June ; and its consideration was then postponed until 5th July.2 In this interval a letter was received by the Duke of Newcastle from Lord Carteret,3 in which the latter quotes the following passage from one dated i4th June received by his Lordship from the Lords Justices' Secretary : — 4
"The Court-Martial appointed for the trial of the Highland deserters are almost gone through their work, having already tried upwards of 90 of them, all of whom pleaded guilty, and behaved with great modesty and submission, without presuming to cast the least reflection upon any of their officers of any degree whatever ; which I mention because it was at first industriously given out that they made great complaints of the treatment they had received with regard to their pay and cloathing, which appears now to have been absolutely without foundation."
1 London letter in Cal. Mer., 13 June.
2 P. CXXI.
3 P. cxxiy.
4 Neither this letter nor any copy thereof appears to be extant.
INTRODUCTION. xci
Lord Carteret then continues :
" Having laid the said letter before His Majesty, His Majesty commands me to signify his pleasure to your Grace, that you should acquaint the Lords Justices that after a publick example shall be made according to law, of a few of the most guilty, the rest His Majesty would have pardoned upon condition of their being sent to our several Colonies in America, either in the way of transportation for a number of years, or otherwise, by their own consent, which is agreeable to wliat has been practised upon the pardon of persons condemned by a court-martial ; but that none of the condemned persons shall return now to Scotland, nor be sent over to our regiments now upon their march." *
This letter was submitted to the Lords Justices at their meeting on 5th July by the Duke of Newcastle, and read, as was also the report of the proceedings of the second Court- Martial ; but the orders to be given pursuant to the King's commands were deferred until the next meeting, " there being," writes the Duke of Newcastle to Lord Carteret, " some nicety with relation to the manner of transporting or sending them to the several Colonies in America."1
The meeting held on yth July was a momentous one for the unfortunate Highlanders, the Lords Justices having then, "in pursuance of His Majesty's pleasure, signified by the Lord Carleret in his letter to the Duke of Newcastle," given orders for the execution of Corporals Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson and Private Farquhar Shaw, leaving the question of the place and manner of carrying out the sentence for subsequent consideration. General Folliott attended and presented a list containing the names of 26 Highlanders whom, on account of their youth and inexperience, he recommended as proper objects of mercy, with the result that the Lords Justices' Secretaries were directed to write to Lord Carteret desiring him to submit for the King's approval the proposal that the 26 men in question might be distinguished from the rest by being sent to serve in the garrisons
• p. cxxiv. • p. cxxv-vi.
xcii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
at Gibraltar and Port Mahon ; and that the remainder (other than the three who were to be executed and McGrigor who was sentenced to corporal punishment) should be draughted to serve in the regiments or independent companies in America.1
On the following day a letter in these terms was accordingly despatched to Lord Carteret. From its perusal we learn the reason why Farquhar Shaw was selected for capital punishment — " Farqhuar Shaw, a private man in Lord Sempil's company, whose guilt appear'd to be, in some degree, aggravated by his having forcibly resisted a Serjeant who would have brought him back to his duty at the time of the mutiny upon Finchley Common," wrote the Lords Justices' Secretaries. The fact of the two McPhersons holding the rank of corporal may be assumed tp have sufficed to seal their doom. The same letter contains another item of interest — namely, that the officers of the Guards,2 possibly by reason of their sympathy with the three Highlanders, had protested against being employed at their execution.3
Before Lord Carteret's reply to the letter was received the execution had taken place ; and here we cannot do better than quote from the Rev. Mr. Campbell's pamphlet his brief memoirs of the three men, with the account of their conduct from the time they were told their fate until the final scene : —
" Samuel McPherson, aged about 29 years, unmarried, was born in the parish of Laggan in Badenoch and shire of Inverness ; his father, still living, is brother to McPherson of Breakachy,4 a gentleman of a considerable estate in that country, and is himself a man of unblemished reputation, and a plentiful fortune. Samuel was the only son of a first marriage, and received a genteel
1 P. cxxvin.
2 Apparently the Scots Guards, in garrison at the Tower. ' P. CXXX.
4 Breakachy was for a long period the seat of a distinguished family of Macphersons who were closely allied to the family of the Chief, and took an active part in the many conflicts of the Clan down to the '45. To the family of Breakachy belonged Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson. A brother of Samuel Macpherson was General Kenneth Macpherson, of the East India Company's Service, who died in 1815. Breakachy was the birthplace of another distinguished soldier of the same family — General Barclay Macpherson. — Alexr. Macpherson's Church and Social Life in the Highlands.
INTRODUCTION. xciii
education, having made some progress in the languages, and studied for some time at Edinburgh with a writer (that is, an attorney), until about six years ago he enlisted as a volunteer in Major Grant's company, where he was much respected both by the officers and private men, and was in a short time made a corporal.
" Malcolm McPherson, aged about 30 years and unmarried, was likewise born in the same parish of Laggan, was son of Angus McPherson of Driminard, a gentleman of credit and repute, who bestowed upon Malcolm such education as that part of the country would afford. He enlisted about seven years ago in my Lord Lovat's company, where his behaviour recommended him to the esteem of his officers, and was soon made a corporal.
" Farquhar Shaw, aged about 35 years, unmarried, was born in the parish of Rothiemurchus in Strathspey and shire of Inverness. His father, Alexander Shaw, was an honest farmer, but gave his son no' education, as living at a distance from schools, and not in a condition to maintain him elsewhere. Farquhar lived sometime by droving, but meeting with misfortunes in that business, was reduced, and obliged for subsistence to enlist in this Regiment, where he has lived till now without any reproach.
" The sentence was intimated to them upon Tuesday before their execution. This unexpected change of their fortunes from hopes of life and liberty, to that of a short preparation for a violent death, very mucli shocked their resolution ; but Samuel less than any of them : When the warder went to acquaint Samuel of this melancholy news, he carried with him two centinels for fear any accident might happen ; and after expressing his concern for being the messenger of such unhappy news, acquainted him he must die. He started with surprise, and asked with some emotion ' How must I die ? ' ' You are to be shot, Sir.1 — Then he replied pretty composedly 'God's will be done; I have brought this upon myself.' He then asked if he might be allowed pen and ink, and when the post went for Scotland. The warder told him the night, but that he could not live to receive any return : He said he did not want any. He very pleasantly gave the warder what weapons he had, which were only a small penknife and a razor ; and before the warder parted with him seemed to have assumed his ordinary of mind; and he and the other two, after some reflection, and the
conversation of the clergy (who from this time attended them) were reconciled so much to their circumstances as to be able to bear the thoughts of death with great decency and Christian resignation to the will of God.
" Samuel owned he had been active at the beginning of the sedition ; but he could not help sometimes thinking that the great pains he took to influence the
xciv THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
men to return to their duty afterwards, in a great measure alleviated his first crime.
"Malcolm to the last declared that he never advised any person to go away — on the contrary, that he never was resolved himself till the moment he joined the men in their march from Finchley Common, and then his reflection was so short, that he scarce knew what he did.
" Farquhar Shaw in the same manner declared that he was no way active in raising the mutiny ; that he never advised any man to desert ; denied that he presented his piece to any of the officers as it was reported. He owned that he might have uttered some very passionate and indecent expressions to some of the officers who commanded him to return, but that these expressions did not import a threatening to strike any of them.
" But notwithstanding that they all three imagined themselves no more guilty than the rest of the prisoners, yet they never once uttered the least reflection against the sentence, the Court-Martial, or the Lords of the Regency ; in short, they did not attribute their death to anything else but the divine providence of God, to which they cheerfully submitted, and acquitted all mankind of their unhappy end ; of which Farquhar Shaw gave a lively instance : It being reported to him that one Serjeant McBean had deposed before the Court- Martial that he (Shaw) had presented his piece to him when he commanded him to return to his duty; and that this deposition had determined the Court-Martial to fix upon him in particular, he sent for the serjeant, and very calmly questioned him concerning this fact, who told him that he had never been an evidence against him ; but owned that he told some of his officers that he (Shaw) had threatened to strike an officer who commanded him to return to his duty ; and that it was probable the colonel might receive this intelligence from the officers, and that by this means it might come to the knowledge of the Court-Martial : The serjeant expressed his regret that he should be any way instrumental to his misfortunes ; but Shaw, in an affable manner desired him to give himself no uneasiness on that head ; that he had neither spite nor ill-will at him for what he had said, but would die in perfect love and friendship with him and all mankind ; that he had sent for him on purpose to make his mind easy, and not to trouble himself with needless reflections, since he heartily forgave him ; and accordingly parted \vith him in the most friendly and amicable manner, and frequently after expressed to me his concern for the serjeant, lest his reflections on himself should prejudice him or make him uneasy. This behaviour of his to the man whom he was convinced had been the principal cause of his death, must argue a most charitable, forgiving, and
INTRODUCTION. xcv
generous temper and disposition of mind, very seldom to be met with in men of more elevated stations in life.
" They all three were men of strong natural parts, and religiously disposed both from habit and principle, the natural result of a good example and early instruction in the doctrine and precepts of Christianity ; for I received from all of them a great deal of satisfaction when I examined them on the grounds of our holy religion; and even Shaw, who was perfectly illiterate and could neither read nor write, was ignorant of no Christian doctrine necessary to salvation, or from whence he could draw comfort in his present circumstance. They were educated and died members of the Church of Scotland, though they cheerfully embraced the opportunity of receiving the Sacrament from the hands of the Reverend Mr. Paterson, who officiated for the Chaplain of the Tower, after the form of the Church of England, on the Sunday preceding their execution.
" As their notions of religion were sincere, so they expressed the greatest regard for honesty and integrity, and thanked God, though they were great sinners, tliat His restraining grace had enabled them to avoid all vicious and profane courses, or the offering any injury to their neighbours in their persons or properties ; that they hoped they had not only the approbation of a good conscience, but the testimony of their officers, friends, and acquaintance, that they have lived all their life-time without scandal to themselves or reproach to their friends, until this unhappy period, when rashness, without any mixture of malice, cowardice, or disaffection to His Majesty's person or Government, had brought their lives to this miserable catastrophe. They applied themselves diligently to the duty of prayer and reading the Scripture, from the time of their sentence, which they said they liad but too much and too long neglected.
" When they were all three brought to one ward near the place of execution, about four o'clock that morning, they expressed the greatest affection and sympathy for one another, each regretting the case of the other two more than his own ; at the same time encouraged one another to constancy of mind, and a dutiful resignation to the hand of God. Samuel McPherson ordered three coffins to be made of fifteen shillings value each, for which he paid ; and Malcolm made a will, which he deposited in the hands of three of his own name among the Highland prisoners, some days before their execution. These three were admitted to visit the prisoners, who told them that they thanked God they had got the better of the fears of death, and were prepared to embrace it cheerfully ; that they thought their case better than that of their fellows, as they were leaving this world in hopes of eternal peace and happiness — whilst they were to remain here exposed to new •temptations and new troubles in distant and unknown countries, where they would not enjoy life, but a lingering
xcvi THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
death. They applied by petition to several persons of quality, of which the two following are true copies : —
To THEIR EXCELLENCIES THE LORDS JUSTICES.
The humble Petition of Samuel McPherson, Malcolm McPherson, and
Farquhar Shaw.
May it please your Lordships,
That whereas your poor petitioners lie under sentence of death for mutiny and desertion, and have nothing to hope (under the Almighty) but from your Lordships' favour on our behalf, which we do most humbly intreat ; and as we are sincerely sorry for our base conduct and misbehaviour, and it being our first crime, we hope for your Lordships' kind indulgence, which should we be so happy as to obtain, we do sincerely promise to retrieve this our misconduct by a steady attachment to our most gracious Sovereign King George, by defending him and his Royal House with all our power, where and in whatever manner we shall be directed.
SAMUEL MCPHERSON MALCOLM MCPHERSON FARQUHAR SHAW.
To HER GRACE THE DUTCHESS OF RICHMOND.
The humble Petition of Samuel McPherson, Malcolm McPherson, and
Farquhar Shaw.
May it please your Grace,
That whereas your poor petitioners lie under sentence of death for mutiny and desertion, and have nothing to hope (under the Almighty) but from your Grace's charitable intercession to the Lords Justices on our behalf, we do most humbly intreat your Grace's good offices ; and as we are sincerely sorry for our base conduct and misbehaviour, and it being our first crime, we hope for your Grace's kind indulgence, which should we be so happy as to obtain, we do sincerely promise to retrieve this our misconduct by a steady attachment to our most gracious Sovereign King George, by defending him and his Royal House with all our power, where and in whatever manner we shall be directed.
SAMUEL MCPHERSON MALCOLM MCPHERSON FARQUHAR SHAW.
"Upon the Monday morning the Governor ordered them to put on their shrouds below their cloaths, which when done they immediately began to pray, and continued in that exercise very devoutly and fervently till six o'clock, when
INTRODUCTION'. xcvii
they were called out to execution. They walked to the place close up to the Chapel in the Tower without expressing the least horror or despondency in their gait or countenance, but with a Christian composure and resignation of mind. Here Samuel McPherson, standing on the plank which was appointed for them to kneel on, with an assured countenance, and in an audible voice, in his own language addressed his fellow-prisoners that were drawn up round the place of execution in this manner :
"'My Friends and Countrymen,
"'You are not strangers to the cause of my sufferings with these my companions ; I hope the anguish you must feel at the sight of this shocking scene, will be the last of your punishment ; for I am convinced you must think it a punishment to see us bleed : Dut my blood, I hope, will contribute to your liberty ; that thought affords me as much satisfaction as a soul prepared to take a flight to eternity can receive from any earthly concerns. — Take example from our unfortunate ends, and endeavour to conduct yourselves so, both before God and man, as your lives may be long, and your deaths natural. Next to your duty to God, discharge what you owe your king and country ; wipe off this reproach by a steady loyalty to his sacred Majesty, and a respectful and obedient conduct towards your officers.'
" Having uttered this speech, he with his cousin McPherson and Shaw, kneeled down, whilst the Reverend Mr. Paterson and myself joined in prayer, kneeling before them on a plank. When prayers were over, their faces were covered ; when eighteen soldiers, in three ranks (twelve of whom were appointed to do the execution, and the other six for a reserve, had been kept out of sight for fear of shocking the prisoners), advanced on their tiptoes ; and with the least noise possible, their pieces ready cocked for fear of the click disturbing the prisoners, Serjeant -Major Ellisson (who deserved the greatest commendation for this precaution) waved a handkerchief as a signal to present ; and, after a very short pause, waved it a second time as a signal to fire, when they all three fell instantly backwards as dead ; but Shaw being observed to move his hand, one of the six in reserve advanced, and shot him through the head, as another did Samuel McPherson. After the execution, an officer ordered three of the prisoners, namesakes of the deceased, to advance and bury them, whom they presently stripped to their shrouds ; put them in their coffins ; and buried them in one grave, near the place they were shot, with great decency. The officers on duty appeared greatly affected, and 300 of the Third Regiment of Scotch Guards, who were drawn up in three lines in the shape of a half moon, attended the execution, many of whom, of the hardened sort, were observed to shed tears.
" Thus ended this melancholy scene, which raised compassion from all, and drew tears from many of the spectators. They had, by their courteous behaviour,
xcviii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
gained so much upon the affections of their warders, the inhabitants of the Tower, and others that conversed with them, that none were so hard-hearted as to deny them their pity ; nay, nor hardly any had resolution to see them executed."
Orders, it appears, were sent to the Governor on the day prior to the execution to shut the gates at eight o'clock, and not to open them until after it was over ; 1 and the three men who were tried at the second Court-Martial, and who were confined in the Savoy Prison, were, by order of the Lords Justices, conveyed to the Tower to witness the execution.2
A letter from London written on the iQth, and printed in the Caledonian Mercury of 25th July, runs,
" Yesterday, contrary to the hopes of many, Samuel and Malcolm Macpherson, corporals, and Farquhar Shaw, centinel, of the Highland Regiment, were shot in the Tower ; I assure you they all died with the greatest composure of mind, manly resolution, and with no less sense of religion than intrepidity. Two of them were shot twice.
" ' In life, their country's love possessed each mind, One death, one grave, their faithful friendship find.'
" The fate of the rest is variously talked of ; but as the three officers of that Corps who remained are going to Flanders in a day or two, 'tis thought they'll be sent to America. I'm told Farquhar Shaw regretted to the last their having surrendered, and that they had not rather resolved to die sword in hand."
In a previous letter from London printed in the same paper, it is stated that Shaw " opposed all surrendering " ;3 and it will be remembered that he did not in fact surrender with the others, but was taken subsequently; at the Court-Martial, however, he alleged that he left his companions on account of illness. Another letter from London gives the following further details concerning the unfortunate men : —
"As it has been currently reported that the Highlanders who were shot last Monday in the Tower died Roman Catholicks, the two ministers who
1 Cat. Mer., 25 July. * P. CXXXVII-VIII. ' Cal. Mer., 19 July.
INTRODUCTION. xcix
attended them, in order to do their characters justice in this particular, have declared that they all died very sincere Protestants, and received the communion of the Church of England before they suffered. One of the above ministers is a Highlander,1 and will every Sunday, so long as his countrymen continue in the Tower, come and perform service to them in their own language. — These three unhappy men sat devoutly upon their knees a quarter of an hour before they were shot, and lifting up their eyes to heaven, prayed in the Highland language, and were joined in prayer by all their brethren ; after which the two corporals bid farewel to their comerades with a bow, and centinel Schaw kissing his hand, beckoned to them."*
It appears from the London letter of igth July that the pardon of the three men had been hoped for by many, even to the last ; the following letter, however, written after the execution, no doubt contains the sentiments of a section of the London public on the subject : —
To tl* Author of the Westminster Journal.
Sir,
I presume so far upon your impartiality, that I make no question but you will give place to the following thoughts whether thry do or do not entirely agree with your own.
I have met with some few persons who take upon them to treat the execution of the Highlanders as an act of too much severity in the Govern- ment.— The men, they say were ignorant of the crime they committed ; they had been first deluded, and were then disappointed ; a contract had been broke on one side, and they thought it dissolved on the other.
Whether there was anything real in this delusion and disappointment I should be very glad to know, and therefore wish the evidence that appeared on their trial were made public: But admitting it to be trur, this can only affect the honour of those who deceived them, and does by no means justify the rash step these poor men took, because the plea of ignorance was entirely precluded by their engagement in the service. And as to a contract, none could be made in prejudice of this, which bound them to alLlhe duties of a soldier.
> Mr. Campbell ' Cat. Mtr., 26 July.
c THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
In common cases, every subject of Great Britain is supposed to be acquainted with the penal laws of his country, and therefore the infringement of them is never extenuated by any pretence of want of information. And if this be true with respect to the Common Law , which consists of such a multitude of statutes and clauses, certainly more indulgence cannot be expected from the military, which is more summary and less intricate. — Ignorance, if it were even admited a just plea, could not be more excusable in the soldier than in the free subject, and in the present case the pretence of it is much more improbable.
The being born under certain laws of society is an involuntary act in every individual, and yet we are all of necessity bound by them : But the coming under the military law was a voluntary act in these unhappy persons, who when they submited to become regimental, subjected themselves to all the penalties of the martial establishment.
I shall say nothing of the necessity of making such examples, because that argument, in the same case, would equally affect any other regiment ; nor of the degree of this offence, which nobody will dispute to have been both mutiny and desertion : But whether mercy, after sentence, might not have come in with justice, and one have sufficed instead of three, is I confess a point not so clear to me, as that justice could not be quite eluded, without impeaching the honour and authority of the Government.
I am, Sir, yours &c., B. DICAIOS.
The reference to a broken contract in the foregoing letter indicates, no doubt, that the London public were well aware of the men's contention that they had enlisted upon assurances that they should not be sent abroad. The writer probably never had the opportunity of perusing the evidence given at their trial ; but the entire abandonment of their principal plea he appears not to have contemplated for a moment.
Regarding the two Macphersons and Shaw, General Stewart writes :
"There must have been something more than common in the case or character of these unfortunate men, as Lord John Murray, who was afterwards
INTRODUCTION. ci
colonel of the Regiment, had portraits of them hung up in his dining-room.1 I have not at present the means of ascertaining whether this proceeded from an impression on his Lordship's mind that they had been victims to the designs of others, and ignorantly misled, rather than wilfully culpable." * ...
1 Sketches, i. 261.
' The portraits referred to were doubtless the prints sold at the time in London, plain, and in colour, and reproduced in this book. The present Duke of Atholl, it seems, knows of no other portraits of the men. The "Bowles" print of Samuel Macpberson is reproduced in Caulfield's Remarkablt Persons, and in Chambers' Book of Day* ; that of Malcolm Macpherson — with the initials on the cartouch-box altered to "P. Co." in Chambers' History of the Rebellion, new edition, under the designation of " A full-armed Highland Gentleman. — From a unique drawing in possession of W. F. Watson. Esq."; that of Farquhar Shaw, Mr. Skeoch Cumming tells DM. was also reproduced as a print, but altered so as to represent a Jacobite soldier wearing a tartan coat and white cockade, with the initials " C. P. R." on the cartouch- box. The print of Macdonald, the piper, appears also to have formed the basis of the illustration of a piper constituting the frontispiece to an edition of the Short History, and of a plate in Grose's Military Antiquities, described as " A Piper of a Highland Regiment." The coloured prints of the four men are of special interest, the facings of the uniform being depicted as blue, whereas, according to General Stewart, their colour at this period was buff. The dress of the Regiment, however, was in July 1751, by a Royal Warrant, directed to be scarlet, lined and faced with buff. — Grove's History, p. 6. The facings from 1758 onwards were dark blue. — Farmer's Regtmental Records, p. 159.
For " P. Co." in 6tb UM to *bor« Not* nmd " P.C.1
cii THE BLACK WATCH MUTINY RECORDS.
IX.
" They were banished, foul the page is In the annals of the land Where recorded stands the exile Of that hardy Highland band."
— A. Macgregor Rose.
After the execution Captain John Munro and other officers, and the non-commissioned officers and men who had remained for the trial, marched to Dover, and embarked in order to rejoin the Regiment,1 Lord Sempill having preceded them.2
Lieutenants John Mackenzie, Malcolm Fraser, and Dugal Stewart each received 15 guineas, representing three months' subsistence, for which they had petitioned the Lords Justices, to cover their extra expenses.3
At their Lordships' meeting on 28th July a memorial of the agent of the Regiment, praying that about 30 of the men who had either remained in the Highlands, or had deserted before the Regiment reached York, might be pardoned on surrendering themselves, was submitted ; and their Lordships directed the Secretary at War to insert an advertisement in the Gazette promising pardon to these men on their surrendering to the recruiting officers,4 or other officers to be appointed to conduct them to the Regiment;5 and to acquaint General Guest thereof. These orders were duly complied with,6 the advertisement appear- ing in the Gazette on 3oth July, and on 2nd and 6th August ; the promise of pardon extending to all who had deserted before
1 P. CXL.
8 P. CXVI ; "The Lord Semple, with several of his officers, is gone hence for his Regt. in Germany." — London letter in Cal. Mer., 27 June.
5 P. CXLII.
4 Lieuts. John Mackenzie, Alexr. Macdonald, and George Ramsay.
6 P. CXLIIMV. ' P. CXL V- VI.
INTRODUCTION. ciii
the Regiment reached Nottinghamshire, subject to their surrender- ing on or before loth September. At the suggestion of General Guest, however, the time was extended to 3oth September.1 From the Secretary at War's letter to the latter of i8th August, it appears that Lieutenant Mackenzie was then in London, Lieutenant Macdonald in the Highlands, and Lieutenant Ramsay "an invalid here." Although it is set forth in the memorial that the men had offered to surrender, it does not transpire whether any of them did so as the result of the advertisements.
Lord Carteret's reply, conveying the King's consent to the course the Lords Justices had proposed with regard to the rest of the men, arrived about the end of July,2 and was read at their Lordships' meeting on 2nd August, when the Secretary at War received instructions to issue the usual orders for granting pardon to all the men except Peter Campbell alias McGrigor, and for their being immediately afterwards draughted, as regards the 26 men recommended to mercy on account of their youth and inexperience, to serve in the regiments at Gibraltar and Minorca; and as to the remainder, one-half to serve in General Dalzell's Regiment,3 then in the Leeward Islands, and the other half in General Oglethorpe's Regiment in Georgia; these regiments respectively paying to the Highland Regiment £5 for each man so received. The Secretary at War was further instructed to inform the commanding officers that none of the draughted men were to be discharged without giving him previous notice; to arrange for the detention of