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AMERICANA
VOLUME XXXIII January, 1939 — December, 1939
The American Historical Company, Inc. 80-90 Eighth Avenue New York
(ILLUSTRATED)
Copyrighted, 1939, by
The American Historical Company, Inc.
Entered at the Somerville, N. J., Post Office as Second Class Mail Matter
All rights reserved
440964
CONTENTS
VOLUME XXXIII January, 1939 — December, 1939
Adams, Henry, and the Civil War, by Charles I. Glicksberg, Ph. D. . . . 443
Alaska, The Totems of, by Norris W. Matthews 476
American Poetry, The Columbus Theme in, by Bertha Monica Stearns . 7
Ancestor-Hunting in Germany, by First Lieutenant Karl Frederick
Steinhauer 222
Archer, Gleason L., LL. D., Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Part
IV) 42
Archer, Gleason L., LL. D., Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Part
V) 349
Archer, Gleason L., LL. D., Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Con- clusion) 488
Asphalt — Origin, History, Development — Its Relation to Petroleum, by
Joseph Rock Draney 196
Birch, John J., Ps. D., Battle of the Kinquariones (The) 419
Book Reviews 130
Bryan, E. H., Jr., Guam and the Chamorros 15
Bryant, William Cullen, Letters by, by Charles I. Glicksberg, Ph. D . . . . 23
Chamorros, Guam and the, by E. H. Bryan, Jr 15
Civil War, Henry Adams and (The), by Charles I. Glicksberg, Ph. D. . 443
Columbus Theme in American Poetry (The), by Bertha Monica Stearns 7
Confederacy, The Queen of the, by Craddock Goins 141
Davis, Richard Beale, George Sandys, Poet-Adventurer 180
Death of a Beautiful Woman (The), by Ethel Lyon 415
Draney, Joseph Rock, Asphalt — Origin, History, Development — Its Re- lation to Petroleum 196
Finley, Herold R., Skinner and Allied Families 424
Finley, Herold R., Mason and Allied Families 232
Fleming, Captain Alexander and Joyce, His Wife, of “Westfalia,” Rap- pahannock County, Virginia, by Lenora Higginbotham Sweeny .... 326
Germany, Ancestor-Hunting in, by First Lieutenant Karl Frederick
Steinhauer 222
Glicksberg, Charles I., Ph. D., Letters by William Cullen Bryant. ... 23
Glicksberg, Charles I., Ph. D., Henry Adams and the Civil War. . . . 443
Goins, Craddock, The Queen of the Confederacy 141
Guam and the Chamorros, by E. H. Bryan, Jr 15
IV
CONTENTS
Hastings, George E., Ph. D., Francis Hopkinson and the American Flag 293 Hopkinson, Francis and the American Flag, by George E. Hastings,
Ph. D 293
Kinquariones, The Battle of the, by John J. Birch, Ps. D 419
Latimer and Allied Families, by J. J. McDonald 89
Letters by William Cullen Bryant, by Charles I. Glicksberg, Ph. D 23
Lewis, Myrtle M., Spencer and Allied Families 548
Lyon, Ethel, The Death of a Beautiful Woman 415
Mason and Allied Families, by Herold R. Finley 232
Matthews, Norris W., The Totems of Alaska 476
MacDougall, Allan Ross, John Howard Payne (1791-1852) 463
McDonald, J. J., Latimer and Allied Families 89
“Packet,” Voyage of the Ship to South America and China, 1817, by
James Wilbert Snyder, Jr 310
Payne, John Howard (1791-1852), by Allan Ross MacDougall 463
Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Part IV), by Gleason L. Archer,
LL. D 42
Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Part V), by Gleason L. Archer
LL. D 349
Pioneers of the Rock-Bound Coast (Conclusion), by Gleason L. Arch- er, LL. D 488
Poet- Adventurer, George Sandys, by Richard Beale Davis 180
Queen of the Confederacy, The, by Craddock Goins 141
Rusk, Prof. William Sener, Thomas U. Walter and His Works 151
Sandys, George, Poet-Adventurer, by Richard Beale Davis 180
Skinner and Allied Families, by Herold R. Finley 424
Snyder, James Wilbert, Jr., Voyage of the Ship “Packet” to South
America and China, 1817 310
Spencer and Allied Families, by Myrtle M. Lewis 54&
Stearns, Bertha Monica, The Columbus Theme in American Poetry ... 7
Steinhauer, First Lieutenant Karl Frederick, Ancestor-Hunting in Ger- many 222
Sweeny, Lenora Higginbotham, Captain Alexander Fleming and Joyce,
His Wife, of “Westfalia,” Rappahannock County, Virginia 326
Totems of Alaska (The), by Norris W. Matthews 476
Voyage of the Ship “Packet” to South America and China, 1817, by
James Wilbert Snyder, Jr 310
Walter, Thomas U., and His Works, by Prof. William Sener Rusk. ... 151
Woman, The Death of a Beautiful, by Ethel Lyon 415
ILLUSTRATIONS
Alaska, Map of Southeastern 476
Allerton Coat-of-Arms 270
American Red Cross, Join Frontispiece No. 4
Asphalt Highways, New York City and California 200
Boghall Castle, Ancient Home of the Lords of Fleming 332
Boston and Environs 349
Bunker Hill Monument, Charlestown 368
Capitol, East Front of, Washington, D. C 196
Capron Park, Memorial Gateway to Between 248-249
“Capron Park” Between 248-249
Carpenter Coat-of-Arms 241
Carpenter, Shepard Wheaton 247
Chicago Airport — Asphalt Runways 212
Collins Coat-of-Arms 432
Copley Square, Boston 534
Couchman (Cushman) Coat-of-Arms 276
Cumbernald, The Right Hon.ble The Earl of Wigtowne Lord Fleming
and, Coat-of-Arms 326
Dumbarton Castle (West Side) About 1685 Frontispiece No. 3
Faneuil Hall and The Custom House Tower Building, Boston 384
Farm-to-Market Road — Asphaltic Type 208
Gardens, Public, Boston 534
German Genealogical Questionnaires 222
Girard College Views 168
Guam Views 15, 19
Heraldic Device of Lagash (2850 B. C.) 200
Hodges Coat-of-Arms 255
Hopkins Coat-of-Arms 270
Hopkinson, Francis, Letter to Board of Admiralty Between 294-295
Hopkinson, Francis, Bill Rendered 297
La Brea Pit Park, Los Angeles 218
Lackawanna Trail, Pennsylvania 208
Lancaster County Deeds, Etc., No. 1, 1652-57, Page From, in Virginia
State Library 336
Latimer Coat-of-Arms 89
Latimer Family Group 102
Latimer, Margaret Moore 121
Latimer, N. H 97
Mason Coat-of-Arms 233
VI
ILLUSTRATIONS
Mason, Frederick G 239
Mason Residence, Garden Views, Attleboro, Mass . . . Between 236-37, 238-39
Mayflower Compact 283
Mississippi River Revetment Views 216, 218
Monhegan Island Views 42, 50
Morton Coat-of-Arms 270
Moore Coat-of-Arms 117
Oddities in American History 132
Oddities in American History 434
“Packet” Journal in New York Public Library Page from 310, 320
Peck Coat-of-Arms 270
Protestant Archives Building at Speyer am Rhein, Germany (The) . . . 224
Revere, Paul, The House of, Boston 349
Ring Coat-of-Arms 270
Salem Views 58, 66, 82
Sandys, George 180
Skinner Coat-of-Arms 424
Skinner, Henry Between 426-427
State House, Boston 384
State House (The Old), Boston 368
Suburban Residence 212
Theme Center of the New York World’s Fair Frontispiece No. 2
Title Page of The Oldest Existing Registry-Book of Lutheran Church
of Lauterecken Parish (for the years 1569-95) 228
Totem, The Bear, at Wrangell 486
Winsted Gas Company (The), Office Building, Winsted, Connecti- cut Between 426-427
AMERICANA
JANUARY, 1939
Tlie Columbus Th
eme m
jnerican
P oetry
By Bertha Monica Stearns,
Professor of English, Wellesley College, Massachusetts
story of Columbus and his varied fortunes seemed to ishington Irving, as he pointed out in his biography of great mariner, “the link which connects the history of old world with that of the new.” American writers from the beginning of our national literature until the present time have seen in that story a subject for poetry that should express the ideals of the New World, and symbolize the groping of humanity for a better way of life. The persistence of this theme and of this symbol throughout a century and a half of kaleidoscopic changes in the American scene testifies to the strength of the poetic conception that the welfare of all humanity, as individuals, not as states, is the guiding vision of true nationalism. It is interesting, therefore, to note, as a commentary upon American idealism, the varied treatments of what may be called the Columbus theme in the works of representa- tive American poets living at different periods.
In 1774 a young Princeton poet, Philip Freneau, just three years out of college, produced a series of poems which he grouped together under the title “Pictures of Columbus.” The ardent nationalism of the youthful writer had already shown itself in some commencement verses called “The Rising Glory of America,” in which he set forth the possibilities of a land free to follow its dreams unrestrained by the domination of the past. “The Pictures of Columbus” continued to
7
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
voice his belief that hope of greatness for the New World lay in the enterprise of individuals, as opposed to the overlordship and dictation of rulers. Freneau’s scenes from the life of Columbus include a pic- ture of young Columbus making maps and dreaming dreams; of an older Columbus addressing the Spanish court and meeting the oppo- sition of an established order; of an intrepid adventurer surmounting his difficulties at sea and by his courage bringing the ends of the earth into communication with each other; of an aged hero rewarded by selfish royalty only with chains and poverty.
The Columbus of this poem is dominated by a compelling purpose : It is a bold attempt! Yet I must go,
he reflects. At the end of his life, as he lies ill and discredited, his spirit remains courageously undaunted:
The winds blow high: one other world remains;
Once more without a guide I find the way.
Meditating upon the thankfulness of kings and upon the spiritual barrenness of realms where no liberty is, he rejoices that in time his toils will be rewarded and his woes repaid in the new land :
When empires rise where lonely forests grew,
Where Freedom shall her generous plans pursue.
Columbus is to Freneau, in this eighteenth century poem, the symbol of a free and independent spirit refusing to be dominated by the forces of the past, or by the tyranny of selfish power. The new world is represented as the home of that spirit in which the “generous plans” of a true freedom may work themselves out in new ways.
In the years during and immediately following the American Revolution, another ambitious young poet, Joel Barlow, graduate of Yale, voiced his dream of national greatness in a long narrative poem which he called the “Vision of Columbus.” Later he elaborated this work into an epic of over eight thousand lines, calling it “The Colum- biad.” Fired by the belief that the newly established republic was indeed a promised land, he determined to
Sing the Mariner who first unfurl’d An eastern banner o’er the western world,
and to proclaim in verse all that the discoveries of Columbus might mean to the progress of civilization.
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
Barlow represents the Genius of the Western World as revealing to Columbus, through a series of visions, the future history of the land he has discovered. The settlement of the colonies, the Revolu- tionary War, the establishment of the new government, all pass before the eyes of the hero. The poet then looks forward to the years to come. Columbus is shown that he has opened the way to a better civilization than the world has yet known. America is to lead human- ity into ways of peace and rational liberty; the objectives of its states- men are not to be personal, not to be national, but are to be world- wide in their scope :
No more the noble patriot mind,
To narrow views and local laws confined,
Gainst neighboring lands directs the public rage,
Plots for a realm or counsels for an age.
But lifts a larger thought, and reaches far,
Beyond the power, beyond the wish of war;
For realms and ages form the general aim,
Makes patriot views and moral views the same,
Sees with prophetic eye in peace combined The strength and happiness of human kind.
Nor is the vision complete with this general prediction of a rational world order. Barlow presents a specific picture of a con- gress of nations meeting together and working out political harmony for all the governments of the earth. Columbus is permitted to see in his final vision “the fathers of all empires” assembling for this task, electing a presiding officer, and deliberating wisely how best
To give each realm its limit and its laws;
Bid the last breath of dire contention cease,
And bind all regions in the leagues of peace.
A half century before Tennyson’s “Parliament of man, the Fed- eration of the world,” the idealistic nationalism of a patriotic poet inspired this flight of fancy far in advance of the times. Columbus, with his adventurous spirit, his belief in his destiny, his courage in attempting the untried, becomes the poetic symbol of an America which is to lead mankind into a brave new world of political justice.
Almost forty years later another young poet reasserted the Ameri- can dream and expressed his faith in an ideal through the symbol of the dauntless adventurer. In the midst of social and economic changes
9
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
which were rapidly transforming national life during the early decades of the nineteenth century, James Russell Lowell looked question- ingly at the world around him. Was the growing nation to lose its belief in a destiny different from that of the older states of Europe? Was mankind in America stupidly to tread life underfoot in the brawl for means to live? Was materialism to dominate the spirit of man? Lowell could not believe that this was to be the fate of his native land. His idealism found expression in a blank verse poem of almost three hundred lines, entitled “Columbus,” in which he fortified his own deepest convictions through a dramatization of an inner con- flict in the mind of his hero.
Columbus is represented as gazing out from his ship over an unknown sea and meditating upon his dangerous enterprise. He feels a closer sympathy with the stars above him than with his immediate companions :
Earthen souls, whose vision’s scanty ring Makes me its prisoner to beat my wings Against the cold bars of their unbelief.
He grieves over the stupidtiy of the “mad, unthrift world,”
Which every hour throws life enough away To make her deserts kind and hospitable.
He is saddened by the thought of the ease with which men may lose their visions, and sadly reflects,
The wicked and the weak, by some dark law Have a strange power to shut and rivet down Their own horizon ’round us.
Then, with new hope, he remembers that it is the Old World which has denied his dreams, an ancient way of life in which no state “holds up a shape of large humanity.” Will the untried land of his vision, he asks, play over the same tragedy? Or, instead, shall a commonwealth be built there in which humanity may find a true home — a commonwealth
Whose potent unity and concentric force
Can draw these scattered joints and parts of men
Into a whole ideal man once more.
Whatever his doubts, Columbus has no choice but to go on in answer to a call that he has heard since boyhood:
io
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
To the spirit select there is no choice;
He cannot say, this will I do, or that,
For the cheap means putting Heaven’s ends in pawn,
He must break a pathway to unknown realms “that in the earth’s broad shadow lie enthralled.” He must assert “One faith against a whole earth’s unbelief.”
Listening to the voice of his soul, Columbus shakes off his doubts and looks into the future. There he sees his
lifelong enterprise
That rose like Ganges ’mid the freezing snows Of a world’s solitude, sweep broadening down,
And, gathering to itself a thousand streams Grow sacred ere it mingle with the sea.
The “muttering shoalbrains” on the boat around him predict dis- aster. Return to the Old World, they demand. They will give him but one day more. But to his aspiring spirit another day is opportunity —
A lavish day! One day, with life and heart,
Is more than time enough to find a world.
Like Barlow in his epic vision, Lowell here stresses the theme of a new kind of leadership, and like Freneau, he sees in Columbus a freeman unafraid to follow a compelling purpose. In this poem the dream-guided mariner and the young nation blundering onward become one. With patriotic fervor Lowell refuses to accept the pos- sibility of defeat, and concludes his questioning on a note of romantic optimism.
Three decades later, in the eighteen seventies, two other well known poets, Walt Whitman and Sidney Lanier, used the same sym- bol to voice their belief in the ultimate destiny of their native land. Lanier set forth his concept in the group of eight “Sonnets on Colum- bus” included in his patriotic poem, “The Psalm of the West,” writ- ten in the centennial year 1876. Like Lowell, Lanier used the story of Columbus to “Make burn the faiths that cool, and cool the doubts that burn.” Again the mariner stands in the night alone, heartening his own heart — “as friend befriends his friend less brave.” What if dawn never breaks, he questions. What if, for all his dreams, the earth is no sphere, but “all one sickening plane?” What if the “con-
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
trarious West” have no “fixed heart of Law” within it? Out of its “wild twenty years of heavenly dreaming” his heart answers. In son- nets five, six and seven he replies to the doubts of cowards and skep- tics with the ringing challenge, “Hold straight into the West.”
’Ere we Gomera cleared, a coward cried,
Turn, turn: here be three caravels ahead,
From Portugal, to take us: we are dead!
Hold Westward, pilot, calmly I replied.
So when the last land down the horizon died,
Go back, go back! they prayed: our hearts are lead. Friends, we are bound into the West, I said.
Then passed the wreck of a mast upon our side.
See (so they wept) God’s Warning! Admiral, turn! Steersman, I said, hold straight into the West.
Then down the night we saw the meteor burn.
So do the very heavens in fire protest:
Good Admiral, put about! O dear, dear Spain!
Hold straight into the West, I said again.
The concluding sonnet of the series announces the reward of faith — to the mariner and to the poet :
Why, look, ’tis dawn, the land is clear : ’tis done !
Two dawns do break at once from Time’s full hand —
God’s, East — mine, West: good friends, behold my Land!
Walt Whitman, in the “Prayer of Columbus,” presents the fig- ure of the great admiral toward the close of his life, facing the dubious outcome of his last voyage and “reporting” himself once more to the power that has guided his journeyings. In this poem, almost a spir- itual autobiography, Whitman identifies himself with Columbus. As in one of his greatest poems, “Passage to India,” he looks forward to the culmination in America of a long process of growth. The aspi- rations of his soul and the ideals of the nation are, he believes, both messages of truth. The aged Columbus in his prayer feels himself in communion with the spirit which has guided him mysteriously toward some great end, and sustained him with high dreams — dreams of which he declares :
O I am sure they really came from Thee,
The urge, the ardor, the unconquerable will,
The potent, felt, interior command, stronger than words,
A message from the Heavens whispering to me even in sleep, These sped me on.
12
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
Following this “interior command,” he has tied the hemispheres together, “the unknown to the known,” not for mere material gains, but that some great ongoing purpose may be furthered :
Haply the brutish measureless human undergrowth I know, Transplanted there may rise to stature, knowledge worthy Thee, Haply the swords I know may there indeed be turned to reaping-tools, Haply the lifeless cross I know, Europe’s dead cross, may bud and blossom there.
His doubts die, his “dim and ever-shifting guesses — of newer bet- ter worlds” give place to joyous triumph, and the poem ends, like Lowell’s and Barlow’s, with a vision of the better world that is to come when humanity rises to its true stature :
And these things I see suddenly, what mean they?
As if some miracle, some hand divine unseal’d my eyes, Shadowy vast shapes smile through the air and sky,
And on the distant waves sail countless ships,
And anthems in new tongues I hear saluting me.
Twenty years later, Joaquin Miller, singing the vigorous songs of pioneer adventure, voiced a buoyant American optimism in the five stanzas of his poem entitled “Columbus.” Like Lanier, he presents a bold explorer who faces the future undeterred by mutiny and dis- trust, wind and storm:
Behind him lay the great Azores,
Behind the gates of Hercules;
Before him not the ghost of shores;
Before him only shoreless seas.
The good mate said: Now must we pray,
For lo ! the very stars are gone.
Brave Adm’r’l, speak; what shall I say?
Why, say: Sail on! sail on! and on!
Greatly daring he has no thought except to move forward into the untried; and the result, Miller joyously proclaims, justifies his faith:
He gained a world; he gave that world
Its grandest lesson: On, sail on!
There is no vision of a new heaven and a new earth in this some- what flamboyant poem with its moral tag, but idealistic nationalism is expressed, for the writer implies that the hesitating spirit of the Old World is to be replaced by the fearless experimentation of the New.
13
THE COLUMBUS THEME IN AMERICAN POETRY
The Columbus theme has found a place in the work of two widely dissimilar modern poets — George Santayana and Vachel Lindsay. Neither of these writers, however, makes use of his subject to acclaim the rising glory of America. Santayana found in Columbus a symbol of that trust in “the soul’s invincible surmise” which transcends knowledge, but without identifying that trust with any national aspi- rations. In a sonnet of quiet power he has expressed the faith of all idealists :
O world, thou choosest not the better part !
It is not wisdom to be only wise,
And on the inward vision close the eyes,
But it is wisdom to believe the heart.
Columbus found a world, and had no chart,
Save one that faith deciphered in the skies;
To trust the soul’s invincible surmise Was all his science and his only art.
Our knowledge is a torch of smoky pine That lights the pathway but one step ahead Across a void of mystery and dread.
Bid, then, the tender light of faith to shine By which alone the mortal heart is led Unto the thinking of the thought divine.
In much the same vein, but with a complete difference in tone and melody, Vachel Lindsay paid honor to Columbus in his “Litany of the Heroes.” This “chant about many men,” ranging from Moses to Woodrow Wilson, celebrates the spirit of man, guided by some power greater than itself as it moves toward an unknown destiny. Columbus again becomes the symbol of the courageous soul that dares to venture much by the light of inner faith :
Would that we had the fortunes of Columbus.
Sailing his caravels a trackless way,
He found a Universe — he sought Cathay.
* God give such dawns as when, his venture o’er,
The sailor looked upon San Salvador.
God lead us past the setting of the sun To wizard islands, of august surprise;
God make our blunders wise.
These later poets see humanity groping its way onward through the achievements of great individuals rather than through the accom- plishments of nations. They proclaim through Columbus not a form of government, not a new land, but the strength of an ideal deeply ingrained in the thought of a nation.
14
GUAM
A Young Chamorro Farmer Comes to Visit His Uncle in a Slow-moving But Reliable Conveyance. The Uncle Later Came to Washington, Seeking Statehood for His Island
( Courtesy Bishop Museum and Pan Pacific Press Bureau)
GUAM
Here and There, in Places Which Are Now Well Off the Road, One Finds a Substantial Stone Bridge, Built by the Spaniards
(Courtesy Bishop Museum and Pan Pacific Press Bureau)
uam an
d tlie Ck
amorros
By E. H. Bryan, Jr.,* Honolulu, T. H.
Curator of Collections, Bishop Museum, Honolulu, T. H.
jlUAM, one of the first islands in the Pacific to be visited by white men, and for thirty-eight years a part of the United States, is only now being “discovered” by the peo- ple of America. Magellan first saw Guam on March 6, 1521. The United States Navy has made it a modern community. Now the air clippers are putting it on the map.
Most persons, not connected with the navy, are surprised to learn that Guam is a “high” island, in contrast to the two low atolls, Mid- way and Wake, at which the clippers also stop. They find it hard to believe that such a little dot on the map has an area of two hundred and twenty-five square miles, and comfortably supports a population of 22,000. In contrast, all of the 1,400 islands which make up the Japanese mandate in Micronesia, taken together, have only four times this area, and four times this population, including the Japanese settlers.
Guam is separated into two parts by a low isthmus. The north- ern half is composed of limestone — a great section of coral reef, fourteen miles long by four to eight miles wide, which has been pushed up at its northern end to a height of four hundred to six hundred feet above the sea, from which it slopes gradually down nearly to sea level at the south. Most of this rolling plateau faces the sea in a continu- ous line of cliffs. Only here and there is there a little pocket of coastal plain, whose sandy beach is flanked by groves of coconut palms and other tropical shore vegetation. Behind this, in turn, is the steep, forested slope.
This limestone plateau, both in the interior, where it has been weathered to a rich soil, and along the tops of the cliffs, where the
*E. H. Bryan, Jr., is curator of collections at the Bernice Pauahi Bishop Museum at Honolulu. He went to Guam in March, 1936, at the invitation of Gov. G. A. Alex- ander to help reorganize the Guam Museum. During his six weeks’ stay on the island, Mr. Bryan visited all parts of the island collecting natural history specimens. The article is the result of his personal observations and research.
15
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
surface is still solid and jagged, is covered with a luxuriant, moist forest. Picture to yourself a thick stand of tall, tropical trees. Here and there giant, widespreading banyans, and tall, slender breadfruits rise above the general level, their branches festooned with epiphytic ferns and mosses. Beneath is a nearly continuous tangle of shrubs and ferns, cycads and pandanus, vines and lianas. The only open spaces have been laboriously cleared by ranchers. In these are planted corn, sweet potatoes, fruit trees and truck gardens. On the east coast, toward the north, stands a single grassy hill, Mt. Santa Rosa, the eight hundred and sixty foot remains of an old volcanic dome.
The southern half of the island consists of a range of hills of volcanic origin, bordered on both sides by southern extensions of the raised limestone. The crest of this line of hills lies about two miles inland from the west coast. The peaks average about a thousand to 1,200 feet in height. The highest point, Mt. Lamlam, or “lightning mountain,” reaches an elevation of 1,334 feet. The western slope is quite steep, arising either from a narrow coastal plain or directly from the sea. The eastern slope is broader and more gradual, and is cut by a series of valleys and gulches, carved out by sizable streams, which flow to the east coast.
This volcanic material is not fresh basaltic rock, such as composes much of the mountain mass of Hawaii. It is more like tuff or solidi- fied layers of volcanic mud or ash. The surface of this has weathered to a heavy clay which becomes very slippery during the rainy months.
In direct contrast to the luxuriant forests which cover the lime- stone areas, this heavy clay soil supports only a growth of swordgrass and low, weedy vegetation, correctly called “savanna” in Guam. The moist valley bottoms may contain trees and shrubs, but the ridges are always grassy. One thinks one has found an exception to this rule, when one sees the crest of the hills in the vicinity of Mt. Alifan, near the center of the range, covered with forest. Closer examination dis- closes that these hills are covered with a mantle of limestone. How this got there requires considerable geologic explanation, including the relative movement of land and sea of nearly a thousand feet, but it accounts for the presence of the forest.
The entire eastern shore line, as far south as Inarajan (pronounced In-a-rah-han) is composed of limestone, raised in places to a height of several hundred feet. The limestone is also disclosed well up the
16
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
river valleys, giving rise to such strange features as natural bridges and streams which flow underground. It supports a dense forest. Around the southern end and up the west side it becomes a narrow fringing reef. Off the south end is Cocos Islet, a sandpile covered with coconut palms, connected to east and west by narrow ribbons of reef, which enclose a shallow lagoon. There is said to be fine fishing off this reef.
On the west side, a peninsula of raised limestone, the Orote Penin- sula, extends westward about three miles from the curve of the shore. Low at its landward end, it slopes gradually upward as one goes west, until at the point it rises two hundred feet sheer from the sea. Some- what parallel to it, to the north, lies Cabras Island, a narrow ridge of raised reef, which is continued westward in a line of reefs and shoals. Between these two lies Apra Harbor, the chief port of the island. It is here that the clipper planes alight.
Guam is located at the southern end of the Marianas Islands, near the end of a great chain of submarine mountains, extending southward from Japan. It is 1,350 miles south of Yokohama, 1,500 miles east of Manila, and 3,337 miles west and a little south of Honolulu. Around it on three sides are islands of the Japanese mandate, the nearest one, Rota, visible on clear days from the northern points, thirty miles away.
Lying in latitude thirteen and one-half degrees north, Guam is well within the torrid zone. Its climate is warm and humid, but modified to some extent by the trade winds. The average tempera- ture throughout the year is eighty-one degrees Fahrenheit, from which it varies but little each day. The rainfall at Agana averages slightly under ninety inches a year. More than half falls between June and October. The hills are not high enough to cause much difference throughout the island. The northern end is perhaps a little wetter, the southern end certainly a little drier.
The climate may be a little enervating to those coming from a cooler region, but it is not unhealthful. The primitive Chamorros, before the coming of foreign civilization, were as healthy a people as could be found anywhere. The only hazards are occasional tropical cyclones and earthquakes. The cyclones have their point of origin a few hundred miles to the southeast, in the Caroline group, and for the most part sweep over the area between Guam and the Philippines.
17
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
Once in a while one turns too sharp a corner, and removes a few thatched roofs or fells a few trees in Guam. Approximately eighty earthquakes are recorded each year on the seismograph, located at Agana. Occasionally one occurs which is strong enough to break dishes and shake down stone walls or poorly constructed houses, such as last October and November. But nobody seems to worry about these matters in Guam.
This is the environment in which live about 20,000 descendants of the native Chamorros, and about 2,000 other inhabitants.
When Magellan sailed into Umatac Bay, on March 6, 1521, he discovered the island to be inhabited by a tall, robust, fine-looking people, free from disease and physical defects. They wore but few clothes, and their light brown skins were not even tattooed. The explorers marvelled at their ability in or on the water. Never had they seen such expert swimmers; and the canoes were described as seeming to fly over the surface of the sea.
This generous people willingly gave food and water to the sailors, who were sick and starving after nearly four months on the open ocean, with foul water and wormy food. But when they desired to come on board the ships of Magellan’s little fleet and take some of the strange new objects which they saw, they were cruelly rebuffed and termed “ladrones” (thieves) by the Spanish and Portuguese seamen, a name which stuck to the group of islands for many years.
Magellan’s records do not tell us very much concerning these Chamorros of the sixteenth century. But by piecing together all of the accounts given by the many navigators who visited the islands, we can get some idea of the people and their culture.
There seem to have been two quite different types of people liv- ing on Guam. One of these was of Indo-Malay origin. Like the Polynesians, they probably originated as a Caucasian stock in south- eastern Asia. These inter-mixed with Mongoloid people of the Malay Archipelago as they moved eastward. Associated with them in Guam was an inferior caste of small, wiry people of negroid origin, with kinky black hair. Whether these were the inhabitants of Guam before the coming of the lighter group, or whether they were con- quered and brought along from Melanesian islands to the south, we cannot tell. While not slaves, these people were hopeless outcasts, unable to become independent farmers or artisans, and subject to all
18
GUAM MUSEUM
A Row of Three Latte Monuments, Which Centuries Ago Marked the Grave of Some Famous Chamorro in Another Part of the Island
( Courtesy Bishop Museum, and Pan Pacific Press Bureau)
GUAM
From the Cable Station on Orote Peninsula, One Looks Eastward Across Apra Harbor Toward a Line of Grassy-sloped Volcanic Hills
(Courtesy Bishop Museum and Pan Pacific Press Bureau)
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
sorts of prohibitions. For them to associate, or worse yet to inter- marry, with the people of the other group meant death.
The Indo-Malay stock were in turn divided into two social groups or castes, Matao and Achote. The Mataos sat on the council, led in battle, might become priests, monopolized house-building and weapon- making, and enjoyed great liberty and independence. The Achotes were degraded Mataos. They had no place on the council, their crafts consisted in making tools, clothing and ornaments, and they made up the ranks of the fighters in battle. The degradation of the Achotes entailed loss of prestige rather than material loss, and they intermingled freely with the upper caste.
There was a rather loose form of governmental organization. It consisted of an association of families, led by a council of nobles, but without any definite king. The oldest member of the most powerful family usually dominated the council. Women held an important place in the social order, perhaps in part because property did not pass from father to son, but to a sister’s children.
Marriage was an important affair, with early contract and elabo- rate ceremony. Polyandry was permitted, but seldom practiced. Mar- riage was prohibited between blood relatives. Divorce was frequent, sometimes on small cause. Children accompanied their mother. Bachelors occupied a separate “great house,” as in Melanesia. They lived in concubinage with girls hired or purchased from their parents, usually from another village. This did not affect later marriage in the least. Women with healthy children were much sought after as wives.
Rival groups engaged in battle on slight provocation. This resulted in much noise, but generally little bloodshed. Their weapons consisted of light spears, eight to ten feet long, tipped with bone or hard wood; crude clubs; and well-shaped sling stones, which could be projected with great force and accuracy from fiber slings. The bat- tle usually consisted of the assembling of the opposing forces, much boasting and shouting of challenges, and the interchange of a few volleys of stones. When a few persons on one side had been hit, that side gave up, and submitted to the taunts and sarcastic songs of the victors.
The Chamorros were an amiable, carefree people, fond of sports, games, dancing and story telling. They especially enjoyed tricks,
19
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
jests, mimicry, and ridicule. Dances were accompanied by songs, and by music on reed flutes and the stringed balumbautujan, a one-stringed bow, with coconut shell resonator, which was placed on the player’s chest. Chamorro music was considered “harsh and discordant” by the early European explorers.
Food consisted of taro, bananas, yams, cycas nuts (called “fadang”), coconuts, breadfruits, sugar cane, fish and, as a special delicacy at feasts, rice, which was of aboriginal introduction. Corn and sweet potatoes, which are now an important part of the Chamorro diet, were introduced from Mexico by the Spanish galleons. Fowls and wild birds, which abounded in the forests, were seldom eaten. If pigs occurred at all prior to the coming of white men, they were probably not a part of the diet. Cooking was done in pit ovens, removed from dwellings. Some food was dried in the sun. There were no intoxicants and no awa drinking; but betel was chewed.
Houses were raised off the ground. They were neatly made with a wooden framework and a thatch of coconut or nepa palm leaves. Furnishings consisted of mats, rice baskets, and betel boxes, plaited from pandanus leaves. Pots were made of clay, mortars of stone, and water vessels of bamboo joints. The Chamorros seemed not to have been expert wood carvers, although they made remarkably fine outrigger canoes with dug-out hull, built-up sides and equipped with mast and lateen sail of pandanus mat.
Most of the early religious beliefs of the Chamorros have been lost. The reason for this was mainly that the outsiders who first made contact with the people were so occupied with the task of impart- ing to them a new religion that they paid little attention to, or con- demned, any older beliefs. There were various sorts of gods, mainly associated with good and bad spirits of departed ancestors. The peo- ple were very superstitious, and lived in such fear of the “tatamona,” or spooks which lurked in the forests, that they would not remain there at night. This is one reason why farmers, even today, do not live on their ranches, but congregate in the few villages.
In the very early days the important persons, after death, were buried between rows of upright stones, topped by huge coral-head capitals. The builders of these “latte” monuments, however, had become forgotten in 1521.
Nearly one hundred and fifty years after its discovery by Magel- lan, Guam was settled by Spanish Jesuit missionaries, a mission hav-
20
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
ing been established by Padre Sanvitores, June 1 6, 1668. The Chamorros did not take kindly to either the Spanish rule or the efforts to make them Christians. During the century of struggle which ensued, most of the Chamorro men were killed off. Spanish, Filipino, Mexican and other immigrants intermarried with the women, until the racial stock has become a hybrid. More than two hundred years of intermarriage with foreigners have greatly diluted the Chamorro blood, but not their racial culture. Language and teachings were handed down by the mothers, so that today the Chamorro language, containing many foreign words, it is true, but dominantly Chamorro, is generally spoken.
By the end of the nineteenth century the Chamorro population had been reduced to less than 10,000 in number, with almost none of pure blood. The United States took over the islands on July 21, 1898. At present the native population numbers about 20,000 and is on the increase. Health conditions, under the United States Navy, have greatly improved. A staff of one hundred and thirty-six admin- isters free hospitals, with corps men on duty in all the fifteen dis- tricts. There are now some thirty-six schools with one hundred and fifty native teachers. Education is carried on in English, through the high school. There is also an agricultural school, which aims to turn out better farmers of the younger generation, as well as to help adult farmers by extension work.
Communication service includes naval radio and Commercial Pacific cable which bring daily news ; an average of a boat a month ; and now weekly clipper service, each way, which bring Guam within four days of San Francisco and one day of Manila.
The government is administered by U. S. Navy personnel, with the advice of a Guam “Congress” made up of sixteen councilors and twenty-seven assemblymen, who are elected by the people of the various districts for a term of two years. The district commissioners and many of the governmental personnel are also native Chamorros.
The Navy Department, through employing about a thousand natives, and utilizing the produce of a thousand more, is the chief source of revenue for the island. On the whole, the naval governor and his associates are furnishing a high grade, and certainly an effi- cient, brand of government for Guam. A few mistakes may have been made, and a few injustices done in the past, but with such officials
2
GUAM AND THE CHAMORROS
as those at present stationed in Guam, the Chamorros could scarcely be better governed.
Some of the Chamorros desire self-government. A delegation of two has recently gone to Washington to advocate this matter. It is the opinion of the writer, an opinion which is generally shared by those who have the welfare of Guam and the Chamorros at heart, that should the naval government be withdrawn, so much of the island’s income would also go that it is doubtful if, under the present economic conditions, a satisfactory government and proper standard of living could be maintained by the people of Guam.
22
Letters By Will lam Cullen Bryant
By Charles I. Glicksberg, Ph. D., Newark, N. J.
the “United States Literary Gazette” merged with “New-York Review, and Atheneum Magazine,” nt took charge of the New York editorial office, ious to the merger, he had been co-editor of the “New- York Review, and Atheneum Magazine.” The separation of the two offices, one in New York and one in Boston, made necessary a steady correspondence between the two editors. In these letters prob- lems of management were discussed in detail : the proportion of space to be filled, the value of various contributions submitted, payment to contributors, books to be reviewed, the choice of capable reviewers, typographical arrangement, and so on.1 The new magazine was given the title of the “United States Review and Literary Gazette.” After the appearance of the July, 1826, issue, the Boston editor, Mr. Carter, was replaced by Charles Folsom.
The series of letters Bryant wrote cover a period from January 8, 1826, to August 13, 1827. They are of considerable value, not only as revealing the conditions that confronted an editor of a maga- zine at that time, but also in helping us definitely to identify many of his writings and in making clear his opinions and comments on matters of literary interest.2 While a number of these letters are of a routine character, occasions arose when fundamental issues had to be faced and solved. The affairs of the magazine were evidently not prospering. Both editors were endeavoring to the best of their ability to reduce expenses and to increase the number of subscribers by producing a magazine with timely, attractive material by compe- tent contributors. They did not always agree on questions of policy, and divided responsibility made efficient management extremely dif- ficult. As far as possible Bryant sought to be reasonable, patient, con-
1. Many of the problems connected with the management of this magazine are taken up fully in the article by the present writer, “Bryant and the ‘United States Review,’ ” “The New England Quarterly,” VII (December, 1934), 687-701.
2. The original manuscripts of the letters printed below are to be found in the Boston Public Library.
23
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
ciliatory, but he refused to compromise his judgment or repudiate his word once it was given. He wished to maintain consistently high lit- erary standards. He was opposed to injecting political bad blood into the pages of the magazine. These letters permit us to see a phase of Bryant’s personality not expressed in the poetry he composed at that time: he is practical, sagacious, and prudent; he is making his way in the social and literary life of New York; he is able to solicit contri- butions and gain support; he carries out the complex duties of his position conscientiously and well.
I
New York Jan 8 1826
Dear Sir
I send you notices of Mitchell’s Discourse & the Essay on Bor- ing for Water and some poetical contributions.3 4 I intended to have sent a poem of my own but I delayed it till an Influenza or something of the kind stupefied me and I could not concoct any thing poetical. As a substitute which you will be glad to see I send you another poem of Mr. Halleck’s entitled “Wyoming.” If you have time enough, he would like to see the proof-sheet as before. — By the bye there was an error in the poem called Niagara in the last No. — feelingly for feebly. A
Tor Hill I wish to notice myself as I am going to read it.5
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
P. S. Don’t print what I have marked out with red ink.
II
New York March 1 1826
Dear Sir
I enclose you an article on Halleck’s poems for your next — and a Review of the Life of Lindley Murray written by Miss E. Robbins, together with two pieces of poetry sent me by Mr. Wigglesworth. Miss Robbins will expect to be paid for what she writes. There is
3. Bryant reviewed “A Discourse on the Character and Services of Thomas Jeffer- son,” by Samuel L. Mitchell (New York, 1826), in the “United States Review and Lit- erary Gazette,” I (February, 1827), 385. He also reviewed “An Essay on the Art of Boring the Earth for the Obtainment of a Spontaneous Flow of Water” (New Bruns- wick, 1826), in the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” I (March, 1827), 461-62. See “New Contributions by William Cullen Bryant” in “Americana,” XXX (October, 1936), spon.
4. This poem is, in part, Bryant’s translation of Heredia’s ode to Niagara.
5. For a critical analysis of the reviews and notices Bryant contributed to this maga- zine, see “New Contributions by William Cullen Bryant,” “Americana,” XXX (Octo- ber, 1936), 573-92.
24
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
also an article for the Miscellaneous Department about the Fine Arts in the age of Charles 5th. The writer brought it to me with some pieces of poetry. I was obliged to reject the poetry, and to alleviate the matter as well as I could I told him I would send on to you the prose article for insertion in case you thought it worthy. Do as you think proper with it. The author did not give his name but spoke of Morse the painter as his particular friend &c. which is something in any man’s favor; and he requested that if you thought the article worthy of insertion 6 copies of the No. containing it might be sent to New
Haven directed to the signature n C. and the money should
be remitted. I hope you will see this part of the request attended to, if the article is admitted. As to the books Honor O’Hara, Last of the Lairds, Hosack’s Address, The Young Rifleman & Bull on Fuel which Mr. Wigglesworth wrote me about I give them up to your writ- ing with pleasure. Yet do not forget that Bull is said to have slan- dered the Rhode-Island Coal and Dr. Hosack the Eastern Medical College, and that a prosecution is actually pending against the latter gentleman. Bull is Secretary of the Lehigh Company.— As for Rome in the 19 Cent. & Almacks I have articles promised on those sub- jects. I shall send next week some verses of my own and several Critical Notices, and a big letter to yourself about many things.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
III
CUMMINGTON Sept. 1 4 I 826
My dear Sir
I did not get your letter of the eighth until last evening. I had previously sent on an article from the Miscellany and some lines from the Spanish. I wish you to make a correction in the title of the latter. Instead of “To Mary Magdalen’’ — let it be “Mary Magdalen” — otherwise I am afraid that those who are not well versed in Scripture History on reading the title may expect a copy of amatory verses addressed to some Mary or other.
I send you a Critical Notice and some more poetry for the Oct. No. I supposed that I had already contributed my proportion to the Sept. No. and that the account of the N Y Lyceum would go into the Oct. No.6 As it seems this has not been convenient I fear my con- tributions for this No. will not amount to my 20 pages. If I could get at new books I could soon dish up Critical Notices enough to make up the quantity but in my situation it is not easy to get at these. I told Mr. Carvill to send me the new publications that appeared in
6. The article on “The New York Lyceum” appeared in the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” I (October, 1826), 55. See “Americana,” XXX (October, 1936),
S89.
25
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
N. Y. or at least such as could be conveniently sent, but I have as yet received nothing. I hope therefore that if there should be any deficiency in furnishing my quota while here in the country you will let me make it up as soon as I am returned to town, where I shall probably be in 3 weeks. I shall let you know when I go.
I have not yet received the Sept. No. which I suppose is published before this time. The August No. was I am told very well received in New York, and if we do nothing to lose the public favour in that quar- ter I think it stands on at least as good ground there as the N. Y. Review did.
As for Gaston de Bondeville I intended to have made an article about that novel and the other pieces published with it — but I cannot lay my hands on them. You may as well take it before it is stale. Vivian Gray and the Highlander you are welcome to.
I think we spoke of the alteration you mention in the mode of printing the work — viz to put running titles in Italics over the several articles — and I agreed to it. We also spoke of putting the Miscel- lany and Critical Notices into the same type with the Review. What do you think of this alteration? These articles are not more easy to write than the Reviews and are perhaps of as much consequence. Putting them into smaller type seems, however, to imply that one of these two things is the case. Besides ought not he who furnishes a critical notice to be paid as liberally as he who furnishes a Review. I mention these things for the consideration of yourself and Mr. Wigglesworth — if you make the changes I shall think it well — if not I do not regard it as very important.
I believe there was some understanding between us, or at least between myself and the gentleman who conducted the Lit. Gaz. respecting the books to be reviewed similar to what you mention.7
I am obliged to you for the further light you give me on the Ode of Villegas. I mistook the sense entirely and mean some time or other to correct the translation. In the mean time the original has exercised the critical ingenuity of others besides yourself. You recollect we vainly tried to find the word hicella in the dictionary. A friend of mine in New York writes me that he is told by Cubi that it is an obsolete word, signifying “favour, complexion” &c.
I have just received a letter from Mrs. Simmons in which she solicits the immediate remittance of the money for the two letters of Mr. Simmons. I wish she had it, I have no doubt that she is in dis- tress. Cannot the type be set up the number of pages ascertained and the money be sent on without delay? I left with Mr. Carter the letter
7. It had originally been decided that the Boston editor would review all books pub- lished in Boston, while Bryant took care of all books issued in New York. See “The New England Quarterly,” VII (December, 1934), 691.
26
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
from her to me containing the address. If you should not find it her address is Mrs. Eliza Simmons, care of John Vaughan Corner of Front & Walnut Streets.
My compliments to Mrs. Folsom & believe me Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant.
I hope to be informed of the names of the writers of the articles in the Journal as they appear, and shall make a point of letting you know by whom the articles that I send are written.
IV
New York Oct. 13, 1826
Dear Sir
I enclose you a Review of Cary & Lea’s Atlantic Souvenir,8 a notice of Segur’s Four Ages,9 a Letter from Dupin a French Jurist handed me by Mr. Sampson, and an article on Brooks poem by a Mr. Lawson who wishes to remain anonymous.
With the latter article you may perceive I have taken some liber- ties— but I am not certain that it is yet exactly what it ought to be. Mr. Brooks has really written a good poem and deserves to be praised for it — but I do not know what you may think of the degree of appro- bation bestowed upon it. The article may also need some further corrections in the diction. — Will you look over it and make such further amendments and omissions as my haste has not permitted me to make. —
For the next number I shall probably have an article on South’s History of New York another on Alexander’s Canon of the Scrip- tures, another on Torrey’s Compendium of the Flora of the Northern & Middle States, and I do not know what else.
There was no copy of the last No. sent to me with those directed to the Carvills — so I got one of his. Should there not be a few num- bers sent on to me every month in order that I might make such a use of them as I may judge best for the interest of the work? Do you distribute no numbers gratuitously from Boston ?
The Rev. R. R. Gurley Secretary of the Colonization Society, and Editor of the “African Repository” has sent his work to me desiring to exchange with the U. S. Review — and I am desirous that it should be done. I believe that the owners of the Literary Gazette exchanged with the several periodical works — but I do not remember that any arrangement was made for doing the same thing with the
8. The “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” I (November, 1826), 145.
9. A review of “The Four Ages of Life,” translated from the French of the Count de Segur, appeared in the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” I (December, 1826), 223-25.
27
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
U. S. Review. Will you be good enough to mention this subject to the other proprietors & write me about it? It is not a pleasant situa- tion to be the editor & one of the proprietors of a public journal and yet not have a copy of it to dispose of.
Some time since I received a letter from Mr. Abel Patten who writes by order of the “Society of Social Friends” Dartmouth Col- lege sending six dollars and requesting me to send them the New York Review. I wrote him explaining the change that had taken place in the journal, adding that if his Society were already subscrib- ing for the U. S. Lit. Gaz. or did not choose to take the new work I would return the money provided they gave me notice within a rea- sonable time. I have heard nothing from them since. It will be most convenient for them to receive the work from Boston, & for me to keep the money as a fund for the payment of postage — Will you request the agents to put them down as subscribers — credit them with the money and charge it to my account ?
What is become of the “Wallet”?
The i st No of the New York Review arrived to-day. It seems to take very well. The mechanical execution delighted every body.
My compliments to Mrs. Folsom & believe me Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
Y
New York Oct 29 1826
My Dear Sir
I write to you at this time principally to say that I have put Mr. “Strickland’s Reports” into the hands of Mr. Renwick who will pre- pare an article for the Dec. No. and that I shall also have a notice of the Rifleman and another of a “Spanish Tale by Dr. Sanuza” of this city — I forget the name of the Tale.
The Review has been well received here, and the subscription list is going on well in the city although some of the country subscribers are taking advantage of the gap in the work to have an apology for returning their number. I am very much delighted with the typo- graphical arrangement and execution and hear it spoken of in terms of admiration by every body.
I shall send on the matter shortly for the Dec. No. and hope it will reach you by the tenth.
The poem of B. L. Argensola from which I made my translation I found in Bouterwick’s History of Spanish & Portuguese Literature a work which contains a great deal of poetry in these languages, placed in the notes and serving as a series of illustrations to the text. The publication in which I found it is a translation from the German
28
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
published at London in two volumes a few years since. If I could come at it I would send you the original of the lines.
Our contributor Cushing it seems is in some difficulty — I suppose it is he. I do not however think the evidence arising from comparison of hands conclusive, and I should be satisfied with his denial. Mr. Verplanck once handed me an article for the New York Review writ- ten by one of his friends the hand writing of which so nearly resembled his own that I could almost have sworn to it.
I fear that three pages of practical intelligence every month might be deemed a pretty large proportion — I do not know however that I should be for excluding a contribution of that sort provided it seemed likely to be interesting to the public.
In haste Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
VI
Dear Sir New York Nov 5 1826
I return the poetry you sent me altered for the press, except for the “fragment” which will not do. Do you want it again? I am not for receiving the poetry of Mr. Mellen on the terms he expects — we cannot afford it — and I think this was understood by us all when I saw you last. He can possibly make a better bargain elsewhere. Nor should I think the piece itself worthy of insertion unless altered.
I send you also a review of the “Young Rifleman.”10 I shall have Mr. Renwick’s Review of Strickland this week, or Friday at latest — a notice of Alexanders Canons by Mr. Ware and a Review of some work on Banking by Mr. Coleman jr. who is a great Political Econo- mist author. [?]
I am Sir yrs in haste
W. C. Bryant
If you have not the Young Rifleman let me know it & I will send you the book or the leaves from it, containing the extracts —
VII
Dear Sir
I meant to have sent you by Mr. Gray a Review [of] the life of E D Clarke the traveller but I am unable to find it in season. I shall send it by Friday’s boat. It will [make] io or twelve pages so that you may calculate upon me for that amount for the Review part.11 Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant12
10. The review of the novel, “Adventures of a Young Rifleman,” appeared in the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” I (December, 1826), 178-90.
11. A review of “The Life and Remains of Daniel Clarke” appeared in the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” II, (May, 1827), 109-23.
12. This letter is without a date. It may possibly belong to the year 1827. A few words are partly rubbed out and illegible.
29
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
VIII
Dear Sir
I send you an article for the next No. a review of Hope Leslie. It was written by Miss E. Robbins by whom Mr. H. D. Sedgwick was desirous that the work should be reviewed. I also enclose a piece of poetry which I have looked over. If there is any thing in the review that does not suit you we have a carte blanche to expunge or alter any exceptionable passage.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
IX
New York Nov. 9, 1826
My Dear Sir
I received at nearly the same moment your last letter and Pro- fessor Renwick’s Review of Strickland’s Reports; I saw with some alarm that you had on hand a critical notice of Strickland’s Reports — as the article furnished by Renwick is a very good one and contains matter which we cannot well spare. I have sent it on however and hope that it will be printed in some form or other. Could not the critical notice of Mr. Treadwell be incorporated into it? The work of Strickland is one of no small importance, and is got up at an expense quite unusual in this country. It seems to be deserving of more notice than could be taken of it in a page or two. Or if this plan will not answer could not Mr. R’s article be provided with a new title and placed in the Miscellaneous department? One of these things, I should imagine, might easily be done.
I send you also an article on Alexanders “Canon of the Scrip- tures” by Mr. William Ware and another on “Thoughts on Banking” by Mr. W. H. Coleman. The latter has been examined by some of our most erudite political economists here, and as they approve of it I think it extremely safe to publish it, more especially as Mr. Coleman has studied very carefully and for a considerable time the subjects on which he has touched and has the reputation of understanding them very well. He desires however to be kept anonymous, as there are some brokers of his acquaintance of a different opinion from himself and being ill, does not want to have any controversy.
You have shortened somewhat the time allowed me to get my articles to Boston but as you have only given me information of it since the month came in you must excuse me for not obeying you this time. I will endeavor to do it hereafter.
Mr. Renwick Mr. Ware & Mr. Coleman are men who write for pay. The first and last of these articles, I hope you will contrive to put at all events into the next number as I promised the writers it
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
should be done, and my promise was made before you informed me that the first of the month was not soon enough.
In respect to Mr. G. Mellen’s poetry we are quite agreed. Our concern is too poor to buy much poetry; and I dare say that Mr. Mel- len will make more by writing prize poems than he could by writing poetry for us at the rate we can afford to pay. I have handed to Mr. Helleck the author of “Fanny” & of “Croaker” a copy of the first and second number; and unless he disappoints me much I shall have from him something for the next No. He is exceedingly popular here — more so than you can well imagine — and a little assistance from him would help the work exceedingly.
“Sandoval,” “Boyne Water,” & the “other novel” you are wel- come to. I have not read them, and do not intend to do it, nor am I certain that I can get any body to notice them. For your next I shall have an article on Jicotenal a Mexican Tale by a Spaniard of this city13 — another on a translation of “Las Partidas” or the code of Spanish Law lately published in Louisiana with such other matters as it may please fortune to send in my way.
As for Mrs. Hemans have you forgotten my telling you that Mr. Bancroft of Northampton requested of me some time since while I was editor of the N. Y. Review the privilege of reviewing that work when it appeared, and that I promised it to him? And do you not recollect that I desired, that if you had no objection, he might be per- mitted to do it — and that you agreed to it? I cannot, to be sure, recollect quite so well as Mrs. Quickly, in another case, whether you were at that time sitting by a sea-coal fire or not, nor what dish you were eating, nor whether it was Wednesday, nor who came into the room nor what the person who came into the room said; but I recol- lect the substance of the conversation very well which is as much as is necessary, and I have no doubt that you do also on being reminded of it. I spoke to Mr. Bancroft about it afterwards and I suppose he expects to do it. Whatever may be thought of Mr. Bancroft’s poetical talent, of which there are some specimens in Cary & Lea’s Souvenir of this year, he shows no want of ability in prose.
Make what you please of the article on Brooks’s poem. I will give you in my next, what you desire, an abstract of my opinions on the U. S. Review & Literary Gazette and its several articles.
My compliments to Mrs. Folsom & believe me
Yrs trul5' W. C. Bryant
I observe that copies of the U. S. Review are sent hither to sev- eral editors of Newspapers who publish the contents of the numbers as a kind of equivalent. These are the “Statesman,” the “National
13. See “Americana,” XXX (October, 1936), 581-83.
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
Advocate and the “Daily Advertiser.” Of these the two former have a small circulation, and neither of the three ever have noticed or ever would notice the work in any other way than by performing the bargain that is by publishing a list of the contents. There are other papers whose opinions on subjects of literature are somewhat more likely to be right, who have a larger circulation & whose editors are either my personal friends or acquainted with me & well dis- posed towards me. These, such as the Editor, of the “N. Y. American,” the “Commercial Advertiser,” the “Enquirer” as it is now conducted, the “Times” &c. do not receive the work — yet they are friendly to it — and all noticed the union of the two journals in the kindest terms.
X
New York Dec 8, 1826
My Dear Sir
I send you two Critical Notices with Dr. Lindsley’s pamphlet. I have also enclosed a good deal of poetry — more perhaps than can be printed in the next No. The articles sent me by Mr. Wigglesworth I do not return because I have not had time to examine and correct them.
The poem on Burns is by Halleck the author of Fanny and is alto- gether [the] noblest monument that has been erected to the memory of him whom it celebrates. It is the tribute of one great poet to the genius of another. You will oblige me by giving it the first place among the poetry of the January number. It will have a great run here, as everything written by Halleck is sought and read with the greatest eagerness. Halleck of all the literary men of the age except the author of the Waverly novels is the most universal favorite with the New York public. The poem entitled My Native Village is by a brother of mine — that entitled “A Changeful Picture” is anony- mous. The translation from Heredia is not wholly made by myself and therefore I have not felt justified in putting my signature to it. It seems to me that the poetry of Heredia is the best which has been written about the Great American Cataract.
Mr. Halleck is fond of having his poetry handsomely, and cor- rectly printed, and as he was not to see the proof sheet he showed some anxiety on the subject. I tranquillised him by referring to your well-known care and accuracy, and promised in your name that his poem should have all the advantages which typographical arrange- ment correct arthography and careful punctuation could give it. I hope you will not disclaim my authority to make such a promise.
I am in hopes of getting up a kind of association of literary gen- tlemen here each of whom will contribute yearly a certain proportion — a small one — to the contents of our journal — Mr. Verplanck sug-
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
gested it, the other day and offered to be one of them — provided 7 or 8 others could be induced to engage in it.
I would write about some further matters as I promised to do in my last — but the boat would be off before I could finish my letter.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
P. S. I see nothing of the Review of Brooks’s poem — I fear his friends will grow impatient.
XI
New York Jan 1, 1827
Dear Sir
I sent you a Review of the Catalogue of the Exhibition of the National Academy of Design. I send at present part of it only but you will receive the rest in 3 or 4 days at farthest, as the gentleman who is writing it only retains the last sheets in his hands to make a few additions & alterations. It may make 16 or 17 pages. I wish you would give it as conspicuous a place in the Review as possible as it is a subject quite interesting to us in New York and somewhat so to other cities.
I have been so ill lately as to be unable to write myself but you shall have a notice of the Prairies next week. I am out of poetry. If you have any I want it.
Coopers pamphlet on the Constitution relates to a question that divides the two parties of the U. S. I should think it had better not be meddled with at least as respects that question. If Mr. Everett reviews Clay’s speeches I hope he will also steer clear of that question — since it is made a party question — and that he will not get in any of his new fashioned notions on political economy.
I think Verplanck will be persuaded to review Cooper’s Political Economy but I will let you know next week. If he will not I think Porter will do it well.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
XII
Dear Sir
I shall send a notice of the Prairie,14 & by and by something about Keppels Travels. The rest of the books mentioned in Mr. Wiggles- worth’s letters I am willing to leave to you.
There are several works published your way which you do not seize upon. Some of them . . . . 15 Johnston’s Narrative, Porter’s Analysis, Miss Bowdlin Rambles in Germany &c. &c. &c. — What do you mean to do with all these?
14. See the “United States Review and Literary Gazette,” II (July, 1827), 306-08.
15. Two or three words are badly scribbled at this point and cannot be deciphered.
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
I sent 3 months ago a review of Lindley Murray’s Life. I have not heard of it since. I sent also in some of the last days of last April a review of Mercier’s Discourse on Education as a part of my contribution for the June No.16 Will you inform me whether you have received it?
The enclosed is the rest of Mr. Morse’s article on the Exhibition — Mr. S. F. B. Morse the painter & president of the National Acad- emy.— He is to be kept anonymous. It is of the utmost importance that the article should appear in the July No. If the whole cannot be got in it may be printed.17 I shall write again this week.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
Mr. Folsom XIII
Dear Sir
The above lines are by Sands. I sent you the beginning of this week an article by Mr. Morse who is to be kept anonymous. I wish that that article should be considered as a part of my contri- bution for the July No. so far as is necessary but if what I have sent exceeds my 20 pages I wish that for the surplus he may be paid by the proprietors. The rest I shall advance myself. I have been somewhat out of health and unable to write till lately. I have for that reason sent no [?] verses of my own. — Ianthe is Miss Manley — an old correspondent of the U. S. Lit. Gaz.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
I shall review Millers Letters on Clerical Habits18 —
XIV
Dear Sir
I believe that you may as well get a review of the Life of Napo- leon in your quarter. Dr. Anderson has called to tell me that he could not make an article on Everett’s America that would not lose us 150 subscribers in Boston. The work is exclusively unpopular here. It is a political work as it seems to me, and if it were laid on the same shelf with Cooper’s pamphlet on the Constitution no harm would be done I think. Verplanck has talked about an article on Coopers Political Economy, but he is lazy and I believe will never do it. Sup- pose you give the book to Porter.
16. The review of Charles Fenlon Mercier’s “A Discourse on Popular Education” appeared in the July, 1827, issue.
1 7. That is how the sentence reads in the original. Did Bryant mean that it could be printed in part? Two words may possibly have been omitted in the haste of writing.
18. At the bottom of this letter appears a note scrawled by Edward Wigglesworth and signed "EW." : “Ianthe, I asked B’t who she was.”
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
Mr. Blunt wants to exchange his American Annual Register for the U. S. Review. I have no objection if the other proprietors agree to it. I am making a notice of “Elliott’s Address.”
I have heard nothing from you about the review of Lindley Mur- ray’ life and Mercier’s discourse.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
The review of Fowle’s Grammar is much liked here — & also that of Brown’s philosophy. I inclose the poetry you sent to me the other day — a little altered.
XV
Feb 9, 1827
Dear Sir
I send notices of “Letters from the Bahama Islands” & “Simms’s poems,” and of “Almack” and “Paul Jones.” The two latter are written by R. C. Sands Esq. who wrote the translation of the “Stars” from De La Martine in the last No. and who will expect to be paid for this and also, as I should have mentioned before, for the Stars, the poetry to be paid for of course at the same rate as the prose.
I send also some verses of my own and the poem by Digamma, who as you may perhaps know is Professor G. W. Doane of the new College at Hartford (Conn.) He has published a volume of poems, and although somewhat inferior to Lord Byron and a few others in the poetic line, is said to be a good scholar and a man of considerable talent. I do not think the verses enclosed particularly fine, but they will do, and the author has written and may write better.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
XVI
New York March 20 1827
My Dear Sir
I ought to have answered some things in your letters earlier, but some how it has happened that whenever I have written to you lately it has been in haste so that I was obliged to defer or at least forget many things which I had to say.
In answer to a question you put me some time since concerning the nature of the articles furnished from your quarter and the manner in which the work has been conducted there, I answer that I have been well pleased with the former, and particularly gratified with the lat- ter. I believe that the later numbers are, if any thing, superior to the others and as far as I can judge the work is gaining in the good will of the public. I have however something to say on two or three articles. In the first place, although I doubt not that the utmost care
35
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
is taken to prevent it, one or two articles of intelligence have found their way into our pages which are not quite new. For example the “Chinese advertisement” in the first No. was published in all the news- papers five or six years ago. The “Turkish Anecdote” is more mod- ern but I have seen it before — I cannot tell where — some time since. I do not know from what source this part of the Journal is gleaned but I should think the Revue Encyclopedique, might furnish a good many valuable items. It seemed to me that the article on Williston’s Tacitus was too caustic and contemptuous in its tone. Had you no doubts about the insertion of “Micromegas” ? It was well translated I allow — exceedingly so — but it is not new to many of our subscribers in N. Y. who have read Voltaire in the original. Besides, Micromegas has been translated into English already — the translation was pub- lished in London in 1753 along with that of the Universal History. It has been intimated to me that the extracts from the eulogies on Adams and Jefferson were a little too liberal for the taste of readers in this quarter — but this remark might have its origin in a feeling of local jealousy — the authors of these eulogies being all except Mr. Sergeant New Englanders.
As to Jones’s Indian Tales of which you ask my opinion I con- fess that I did not like his Nantucket at all — the attempt at humour was too violent and outrageous if I may so speak. But the “Indian Tradition” I thought a great deal better — indeed it was quite good in its way — with the exception of the interview between the Great Spirit and the Evil Spirit which is altogether too extravagant for my taste. This tale if divested of the blemish to which I allude I should think a desirable contribution — but of the nature of the rest in Mr. Jones’s collection I can of course form no judgment.
Prof. Renwick’s article of which you speak occasioned no com- plaint here. I believe it is thought a fair exposition of the imperfec- tions of the plan of execution of the Grand Canal.
And as to the article entitled “Nature” before I give my opinion of it, I would say that it is in high favour with readers here. Several persons for whose literary opinions I have great respect voluntarily expressed to me the pleasure they had experienced in reading it — among these was Miss Sedgwick the author of Redwood. I said that I thought parts of it a little obscure — but I could not find any body to agree with me. This obscurity is in fact my principal objec- tion to it — but even with this defect, which does not after all exist in it to a very great degree I like the article. I like it, partly because it is an instance of the moral and intellectual speculation which is rare in our country, and which therefore I think may very agreeably diversify the pages of our journal. I do not understand the author as you seem to do, to bring a general condemnation against learning, and
36
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
if he does, I do not agree with him. I understand him to say that too close and exclusive attention to particulars is apt to disqualify the mind for broad and comprehensive views of things. This I believe is as true as that a man who gives his sole attention to watchmaking will not be likely to be a good architect. This however is, or should be, no objection to the trade of watchmaking, for we must have watch- makers and we must have architects. I am myself an admirer of learning though not one of her most favoured admirers — but I would not exclude speculations on the moral and intellectual capacities of our nature when they were ingenious and intelligible, particularly from the Miscellaneous part of our Journal. With respect to the style of “Nature” I must confess I do not see any great objection that can be made to it, except the mistiness in one or two places.
Of Swedenborg I only know that I cannot either understand or read his works — Concerning Mr. Reed I agree with you. And as to Wordsworth, although he is a sort of poetical master of mine I do not believe that we should much disagree in opinion. I like his Peter Bell tho! To my shame be it spoken I had never read it when I received your letter, but I have read it since with great pleasure, and think that Wordsworth has written worse things. Wordsworth has his faults and among them is I think a want of terseness, an occasional wire drawing and extenuation of meaning which I do not like and should be loth to imitate. But his spirituality and his vein of lofty and profound meditation I admire and am awed by it whenever I take up his works. I think that in the literature of our own country as compared with that of England there is apparent something of a worldly material spirit such as might be expected in the literature of a people devoted to trade and gain. I could wish that the same remedy might be applied with a view of correcting our character through our literature — but I do not know that it is possible. You see Sir that this is a subject upon which much may be said. I shall leave it with observing that I am not more a friend to childishness or obscurity than you are. I do not feel any strong sympathy for the former and the latter I labour to avoid. —
I do not know who W. G. C. is — but he has lately written me from Onondaga in the western part of this State enclosing a poem which I fear I cannot publish. The Reviewer of Mr. Brooks was at first a little ill-natured about the alterations in his article but I apolo- gized for you as well as I could. He wishes that the article might be sent to him. If you have it by you I wish you would let it be sent to me with some of the parcels that come to N. Y. but I would not make a very painful search after it — for really I hope you have lost it. Mrs. Simmons also wants the manuscript of her husbands letters entitled Letters from an Adventurer in London or England I forget
37
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
which. I hope they are preserved for the poor woman has dunned me several times for them. Will you be so good as to send them out to me if they are to be found. I suppose that Mr. Wigglesworth will know something about them.
Mr. Grenville Mellen wrote me a very long and strange letter about three months ago and since that he has written me a very short one. He wants to get back some poetry of his which he thinks I .have got, and also speaks of a prose contribution to this Journal. For my own part I am innocent of having in my possession any thing of Mr. Mellen’s writing but his letters. He says that he has written to you on the subject but has received no answer. I have seen I believe two of his poems and sent them to Boston again — His prose I never heard of before.
Mr. Renwick told me the other day that if I pleased he would prepare an article on Sganzi’s Civil Engineering a work published I believe at Boston. As it had been published some time, and you had done nothing about it I told him I thought he might venture to do it. If you have disposed of the work or have any objection to Mr. Ren- wick’s making an article of it will you inform me immediately. Mr. Halleck was quite pleased with the manner in which his poems were printed in the Review — but I suppose the newspaper Editors in Bos- ton do not know that there is such a work as ours for I saw the poem on Burns in the Evening Gazette, credited to the Montreal Herald. Cary & Lea manage differently. I do not suppose there is an Editor of a Newspaper in America to whom they have not sent their new “Quarterly” with a written request that it might be noticed.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
I have no great objection to reviewing Milton’s Prose works but I cannot do it for the next No. Such a book you know must be read with great care — and reflected upon a great deal.
I have received no list of the names of the contributors to the two last numbers of the Journal. It places me in rather an awkward situation not to know the names of the authors of the articles in a work of which I am one of the Editors. I ought to be able to answer the first inquiries on the subject — as a knowledge of the writers adds much to the interest of such a work. Could not the names be sent me along with the 6 copies forwarded me ? I should think that the most (sic) way, and it would be the best way as respects myself.
XVII
N. Y. Apl 5 1827
Dear Sir
I send you an article on Dr. Clarke. I suppose you have the book at Boston. If there are inaccuracies in the language I beg you will
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
correct them. I send you also some poetry I have received from Jones. He wishes that the three sonnets should not all appear in the same No. I wish you therefore to print the first and second in the next No. and retain the other for the June No.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
P. S. Next week I shall send you some verses of my own & some critical notices. —
XVIII
New York Apl n 1827
Dear Sir
I send you a batch of poetry which I have been trying to patch up for the U. S. Review. Some critical notices which I intended to send are not finished. They will make up 2 or 3 pages & will go by the next boat.
I am obliged to your attention in regard to the names of writers of the articles.
I have just read an article in the Statesman of yr city on the March No. The writer of it complains that we review books that have been published a good while. I cannot believe however that he very sincerely disapproves this practice since his own article on the March No. is published on the 9th of April several days after the April No. was out.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
I send also a sentence or two about Mr. Cubi’s proposed work which I suppose may go in at the end of the list of New publications.
XIX
New York Apl 12, 1827.
Dear Sir
I send you Notices of Tor Hill & another Book. If the article about the Fine Arts in the reign of Charles is not printed I think it would not be best to do it — for I have just seen it in a Weekly newspaper. Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
XX
Dear Sir
I send you a notice of Del Mar’s Sp. Grammar by Mr. Stod- dard formerly a Tutor at Yale College, & one of the Biblical Reper- tory, & two pieces of poetry.
I shall have by & by something about Sismondi’s History of the Literature of the South, & Dr. Miller’s Clerical Manners & Habits. Yrs truly
39
W. C. Bryant
LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
Dear Sir
I send you a review of Mercer’s discourse &c by Miss Robbins. I shall pay for this article myself and it will therefore be included in my 20 pages. I also send a piece of poetry by Ianthe — (Miss Manley).
I shall shortly send something more. I mean to do something with Everetts America — but it is difficult to know how to treat it. I think it contains some capital errors — and what perplexes me more, it has a political tendency, more properly speaking a leaning upon some of the questions that divide the principal parties in the country. I spoke to a distinguished literary gentleman about making a review of it, but he, after having read it, said that he could not make such a review as I would be willing to publish.
Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
XXII
Mr. Folsom
I have marked a passage at the end of Mr. Ware’s article which I think should be struck out — as it may not be palatable to the ortho- dox. If there should be any other passages in it that might be impoli- tic to publish please to leave them out. If you should see any errors in style either in his article or the two others you will not displease the writers by correcting them.
Very truly yrs
W. C. Bryant
XXIII
N. Y. Aug io 1827
Dear Sir
I send you a Tale which has given me some trouble to write — A page or two more will be sent on, next Monday which will finish it. I shall send some poetry and perhaps a critical notice or two. I expected a Review of Miss S’s Book Hope Leslie — but it does not come. Yrs truly
W. C. Bryant
XXIV
N Y Aug. 13, 1827
Dear Sir
I send you a critical notice of Sismondi — a sonnet & the rest of the story. — There are several books lately published here of which I think I shall have to notice for your next — The Baroness of Reidesdel — Nide Hunfret [?] &c.
Yrs truly
Hope Leslie I suppose I shall have a review of by & by.
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LETTERS BY WILLIAM CULLEN BRYANT
XXV
Dear Sir
“Hope Leslie” has been placed by Miss Sedgwick’s brother in the hands of a person who has undertaken to give a review of it. Indisposition has prevented its being ready for this number. The other books you mention you may take if you please.
The address of Mr. Elliot, which I send you to print from I wish you would return, as it belongs to Mr. Verplanck. Along with this
I send you some poetry of my own, a piece signed W. G. C
by Willis G. Clarke of Onondaga, another signed J. H. B. by my brother, with several from your quarter, and two reviews.
You put a heavy load on my shoulders in printing the article on Clay’s Speeches, and I have had occasion for some dexterity in parry- ing the attacks made upon me for it. Clay is a political man and the article is written by one of Clay’s political admirers and of course, cannot be expected to suit those who are not of that class. Besides, I have some doubts whether a literary journal is the place for discuss- ing the questions concerning the propriety of Mr. Clay’s appointment as Secretary of State. For my part I always thought the appoint- ment a very bad one — never having much respect for Mr. Clay’s prin- ciples nor a high estimate of his political knowledge. But the article has been inserted and though I cannot say much for it I put the best face on the matter I can.
I like Metcalfe’s article and not only consent but even wish that it may be published with the exception of one or two sentences through which I have drawn a pencil. These passages contain sentiments in which I cannot quite agree with the writer.
Yrs truly
4i
Pioneers o f tke R ock~Bound Coast
By Gleason L. Archer, LL. D., Boston, Massachusetts President, Suffolk University
(Part IV) CHAPTER XIII Higginson’s Voyage to America
is one phase of colonial migration of our fore- s of which we have a very inadequate understand- To cross the Atlantic in a modern steamship, with comfort and luxury that has been devised by man in the past three centuries, is a very different experience from that of the emigrants who came to New England three centuries ago. Fortu- nately for us some of our early colonists set down in writing the chief events of their long voyage to America.
Before taking up in detail the events that followed the arrival of the six transport ships at their destination on the Massachusetts coast, let us look into a typical ocean voyage such as every colonist encountered in paying the price of emigration to the New World.
Aboard the good ship “Talbot” was a clergyman named Francis Higginson, who apparently possessed all the instincts of a modern journalist. The voyage, to him, was a memorable experience. He was destined to end his days in America scarcely more than a year after his arrival. But his observations on the New England voyage will keep his memory green for centuries.
This remarkable man was about forty years of age at the time of the migration. He had been educated at Cambridge and had served for years as a clergyman of the Established Church. Through study of the Scriptures and association with Puritan leaders he eventually became a non-conformist. He was accordingly ousted from his pul- pit in England, but was so highly esteemed by his congregation that a lectureship was established for him, and supported by voluntary contributions for some years.
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MONHEGAN’S ROCKY SHORE
MONHEGAN ISLAND
Granite Battlements that Defy Time and Tide and Tempest
PIONEERS OF THE ROCK-BOUND COAST
He embarked on the “Talbot” with his wife and eight children, the oldest of whom was but thirteen at the time. In speaking of the embarkation from England, Higginson declares:
But we that were in the “Talbot” and the “Lion’s Whelp,” being ready for our voyage, by the good hand of God’s Providence, hoisted up sail from Gravesend on Saturday the 25th of April, about seven o’clock in the morning. Having but a faint wind we could not go far that day, but at night we anchored against Leigh which is twelve miles from Gravesend, and there we rested that night and kept the Sabbath the next day.
It will be remembered that Gravesend is on the south bank of the Thames. The two ships were facing the necessity of threading the difficult channel by which shipping reached the open sea. This explains Higginson’s next entry:
On Monday we set forward and came to the Flats, a passage somewhat difficult by reason of the narrowness of the channel and the shallowness of the water; and going over this we were in some danger ; for our ship being heavy laden and drawing deep water, was sensibly felt of us all to strike three or four times on the ground. But the wind blowing somewhat strong, we were carried swiftly on, and at last by God’s blessing, came safe to anchor at Gorin road.
The place referred to was a favorite anchorage of large ships bound for the Downs. The Downs, or Dunes, is a famous road- stead for ships, eight miles long and six miles wide along the south- east coast of Kent in England north of Dover. It was not until Wed- nesday that the “Talbot” and the “Lion’s Whelp” reached the Downs. Here they were treated to an unpleasant taste of life on the ocean wave. “Thursday, Friday and Saturday,” Higginson writes, “the wind blew hard from the southwest, and caused our ship to dance; divers of our passengers, and my wife especially, were sea-sick. Here the King’s ship called the “Assurance” pressed two of our mariners. Here we saw many porpoises playing in the sea, which they say is a sign of foul weather.”
A circumstance now developed that caused no end of concern to all those who shared the dread secret. A passenger named Browne who had joined the Company at Gravesend had been ill at the time. The ship’s physician now discovered to his horror that the man was ill of smallpox. Such a contagion on shipboard could be exceedingly serious.
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PIONEERS OF THE ROCK-BOUND COAST
On the following Monday when the “Talbot” was passing the chalk cliffs of Dover the passengers were greatly alarmed to see six or seven sail of Spanish privateers from the French coast bearing down upon them. England and Spain were then at war. To capture Eng- lish ships heavily laden with goods, was the ambition of these lurking enemies. Many a craft on its way to America had been seized by them and carried in triumph to some Spanish port.
Fortunately for the “Talbot” it was not alone. During her delay in the Downs several other well-armed ships had joined her. For mutual protection they had set forth together. This explains Hig- ginson’s next remark :
But it seemed they (i. e., the pursuers) saw our Company was too strong for them, .... so they returned back from pursuing us any longer.
Attended by favorable winds the voyagers soon reached the Isle of Wight. A delay was encountered at this place. The ship anchored between the island and the mainland. Ten days on shipboard and the near presence of land evidently created a great desire on the part of Mrs. Higginson to step foot once more on English soil.
The condition of the wind indicated the necessity of remaining at the anchorage in the harbor of Cowes, Isle of Wight. The clergy- man accordingly prevailed upon the captain to permit a small group of women, under Higginson’s escort, to go ashore at Cowes to refresh themselves and to wash their linen. The old adage, wind and tide wait for no man — or woman — now had its verification. The wind suddenly turned during the night. The “Talbot” hoisted sail and moved on down the inner channel, leaving the Higginson party in the village of Cowes. Can we not imagine the consternation and alarm of the unhappy group next morning when they reached the dock to find that the ship had vanished? Mrs. Higginson had one daughter with her, Mary, a pitifully deformed child of four, but the other seven children were on shipboard. The clergyman endeavored to pacify the anxious women by assuring them that the ship could not go far without encountering adverse winds. The channel between the Isle of Wight and the mainland was difficult for sailing ships, and the wind and tide must be utilized when it served them well. Higgin- son argued that the captain would not desert the party, and so it
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PIONEERS OF THE ROCK-BOUND COAST
proved, for during the morning all anxiety was removed by the appear- ance of a shallop sent back from the “Talbot” to fetch the marooned passengers.
The ship was then anchored at Yarmouth, eight miles away. The shallop had no sooner put out from Cowes than it encountered a very choppy sea, causing the small craft to wallow in a manner that soon brought distress to the passengers. When five miles had been cov- ered the women begged so hard to be put ashore and permitted to walk the remaining three miles that the kind hearted mariners con- sented. The physical condition of the party when they straggled into Yarmouth was such that they were obliged to lodge in the town over night rather than go aboard the ship. The fact that the vessel was unable to leave the harbor for three days afforded an additional respite and the group did not again board the “Talbot” until Saturday.
They had not long been aboard the ship before excitement occurred over the visit of a press gang from the English Navy, the second expe- rience of its kind since leaving Gravesend. As before indicated, Eng- land was then at war with Spain. The “press gang” was an agency much resorted to to fill up the ranks of the navy. A group of mari- ners, headed by a naval officer, would visit ships in harbors, or even overhaul vessels along the coast. Young and well-favored sea- men were quite likely to be seized upon and carried off bodily if they offered resistance. Two of the “Talbot’s” crew had been seized in the previous visitation. This second press gang seized two others. But captain and passengers joined in entreaty that the men be spared. They pointed out that the crew was already short-handed and that the lives of all aboard might pay the penalty for any further weakening of the crew. The press officer relented to the extent of releasing one of the captives.
The dreaded epidemic of smallpox had not yet manifested itself on shipboard. The unfortunate Browne had been kept apart from the other passengers as much as possible, but the ship’s doctor, the captain and a few of those who knew the true nature of his malady were on the lookout for suspicious illnesses.
The Sabbath day was always very strictly observed by the Puri- tans and so we find the “Talbot” and its consort, the “Lion’s Whelp,” tarrying in Yarmouth Harbor all day Sunday. Higginson preached a sermon on shipboard during the morning. In the afternoon he was
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PIONEERS OF THE ROCK-BOUND COAST
set ashore to preach in Yarmouth, where he was entertained by Cap- tain Burleigh of Yarmouth Castle, an aged sea captain who had served under Queen Elizabeth.
Monday morning blew a fair wind from east southeast [declared Higginson], and the “Lion’s Whelp” having taken in all her pro- visions for passengers, about three of the clock in the afternoon we hoisted sail for the Needles, and by God’s guidance safely passed that narrow passage a little after four o’clock in the afternoon; and being entered into the sea, from the top of the mast we discerned four sail of ships lying southward from us. But night coming on, we took in our long boat and shallop, and the next day we had a fair gale of easterly wind, that brought us toward night as far as the Lizard.
The Lizard, it should be explained, is a cape that extends into the ocean on the coast of Cornwall. It is about twenty miles from Land’s End, which the ships passed early on the following day. The last sight of one’s native land receding on the ocean horizon when setting forth on a hazardous voyage is bound to be an event of major impor- tance to landsmen.
Cotton Mather, in his “Magnalia,” has furnished us with some details of Higginson’s farewell to England that do not appear in the original narrative. We quote the following:
When they came to Land’s End, Mr. Higginson, calling up his children and other passengers unto the stern of the ship, to take their last sight of England, said, “We will not say as the Separatists were wont to say at their leaving of England, Farewell, Babylon! Fare- well, Rome! but we will say, Farewell, dear England! Farewell the Church of God in England, and all the Christian friends there! We do not go to New England as Separatists from the Church of Eng- land; though we cannot but separate from the corruptions in it. But we go to practise the positive part of Church reformation, and propa- gate the Gospel in America!” And so he concluded with a fervent prayer for the King, and Church and State, in England, and for the presence and blessing of God with themselves in their present under- taking for New England.
Thus after nineteen days in the coastal waters of England the two ships turned their prows westward and entered upon the real voyage to America. These sailing ships were tiny in comparison to our modern ocean liners. They were veritable cockleshells in the grip of the long surges of the open sea. In a brisk breeze, more-
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over, the ship’s decks were always atilt from the strain of the wind in the canvas. This gives point to the following observations by the Rev. Higginson:
We passed the Isles of Scilly, and launched the same day a great way into the main ocean. And now my wife and other passengers began to feel the tossing waves of the western sea, and so were very sea-sick .... Thursday (May 14) the same easterly wind blew all day and night and the next day, so that some of the seamen thought we had come by this time two hundred leagues ( i . e., six hundred miles) from England; but toward night the wind was calm.
The ships now experienced one of those intervals of idleness to which all sailing craft were subject. The waves flattened out. The sea became like glass. The ships’ sails were useless, there being no breeze whatever. Friday, Saturday and Sunday it was the same story. On Sunday morning, while they were engaged in church serv- ice, a breeze from the northwest, which was worse than none at all, being adverse, sprung up to afflict them.
On the wings of this unfriendly breeze a hostile man-of-war came out of the west and bore down upon the two ships. All was now bus- tle and confusion on shipboard. If a sea fight were to occur the “Tal- bot” and the “Lion’s Whelp” must haul in their sea anchors and be ready for the manoeuvres needful to bring their cannon into play.
The frightened passengers gazed with fascinated eyes upon the ocean drama in which they were so vitally concerned. The blue ocean touched the horizon on all sides and nowhere in all that expanse was there a sign of life except for their own and their sister ship, with the ominous stranger drawing nearer every minute. That the English ships intended to offer battle rather than attempt to outsail the newcomer had its effect upon the warship itself. Its com- mander was evidently fearful of approaching within easy cannon shot until he had investigated the naval strength of the English ships.
The hostile craft suddenly hove to and presently sent out its long boat, manned with brawny sailors, to reconnoiter. Not averse to this inspection the crews of the two ships greeted with derisive shouts the cautious approach of the long boat. Out of musket shot at all times the boat made a half-circuit of the English ships and then rowed lustily back to the parent ship.
The two clergymen, Rev. Ralph Smith being also aboard the “Talbot,” had seized upon this exciting experience to implore the aid
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and protection of God upon their frightened congregation. As if in answer to their prayers they now saw the strange ship hoist sails and turn, not in their direction, but toward the eastern horizon.
The anxiety had no sooner been dispelled than an ominous devel- opment aboard the “Talbot” brought fear to every heart. For several days two of the Higginson children had been ailing. Sam- uel, a child of eight, and little four-year-old Mary were the victims. The mother had considered the matter of slight importance. Small children were subject to illnesses of one kind or another. For that reason Mrs. Higginson could not understand her husband’s obvious alarm over the children’s condition, nor the anxiety of the ship’s doc- tor. It was only when she came hurrying on deck to fetch her hus- band at the close of the scene just described and to tell him that little Mary was delirious, her skin blotched and purple, that she learned the truth. The child had smallpox!
“And little Sammy? Is that what ails him?”
“Yes, my dear. It is more than possible that what ails the one ails the other also. I will call the doctor and hurry to our quarters with all speed.”
Thus the dread scourge of smallpox broke out on the crowded emigrant ship. All day Monday contrary winds held the ships to bare poles, hove-to, drifting with their sea anchors. Little Mary Higginson was now desperately ill. For more than a year she had been afflicted with a curvature of the spine. The joints of her hips had become loosened and her knees deformed, a circumstance that had made her parents especially tender toward her. The smallpox had smitten her with great violence. By Tuesday afternoon her condition had become so critical that the doctor gave up all hope of saving the child. True to his prediction she died that evening. Her sorrowing father made the following entry in his journal:
And so it was God’s will the child died about five of the clock at night, being the first of our ship that was buried in the bowels of the great Atlantic sea; which, as it was a grief to us her parents, and a terror to all the rest, as being the beginning of a contagious disease and mortality, so in the same judgment it pleased God to remember mercy in the child in freeing it from a world of misery, wherein
otherwise she had lived all her days So in respect to her we
had cause to take her death as a blessing from the Lord to shorten her misery.
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Rain and adverse winds marked with gloom the day following the burial of the first victim of the dread pestilence. The eight-year- old son of the clergyman continued to be very ill. “Thus it pleased God to lay His hand upon us by sickness and death and contrary winds,” writes the chronicler of the voyage, “and stirred up some of us to make a motion of humbling ourselves under the hand of God by keeping a solemn day of fasting and prayer unto God, to beseech him to remove the continuance and further increase of these evils from us; which was willingly condescended unto, as a duty very fit- ting and needful for our present state and condition.”
This period of fasting and prayer was continued during the fol- lowing day. The Rev. Ralph Smith joined with Rev. Francis Hig- ginson in conducting religious services. They had the great satis- faction at nightfall of a sudden shifting of the wind to a favorable quarter. After six days of adverse conditions the ships were able to resume their progress toward New England.
By Saturday the anxious parents were beginning to entertain hope that their small son might live through the smallpox ordeal. The other children had thus far been immune from contagion. Several days of prosperous wind sped them on their way, but on May 26 a sudden tempest bore down upon them from the north that, as Hig- ginson expressed it, “hoisted up the waves and tossed us more than ever before, and held us all the day till towards night.” This storm proved so violent that a large dog belonging to Mr. Goffe, the Deputy- Governor of the Company, was thrown overboard by a sudden lurch- ing of the ship. Despite every effort of the sailors the dog was lost. It should be explained that Goffe himself never came to America, yet, like other capitalists who had invested in the stock of the Com- pany, he was allotted land for a plantation. The dog in question was evidently intended to guard the Goffe sheep from wolves that roamed the forests of New England.
The voyagers were not delivered from the dangers of the deep by the dying down of the gale at nightfall of May 26. The following day is thus vividly recorded by Mr. Higginson:
Wednesday the wind still north, and calm in the morning; but about noon there arose a south wind wThich increased more and more, so that it seemed to us, that are landsmen, a sore and terrible storm; for the wind blew mightily, the rain fell vehemently, the sea roared,
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and the waves tossed us horribly; besides it was fearful dark, and the mariner’s mate was afraid, and noise on the other side, with their running here and there, and crying one to another to pull at this and that rope. The waves poured themselves over the ship, that the two boats (i. e., the long boat and the shallop) were filled with water, that they were fain to strike holes in the midst of them to let the water out. Yea, by the violence of the waves the long-boat’s cord, which held it, was broken, and it had like to have been washed overboard, had not the mariners, with much pain and danger, recovered the same. But this lasted not many hours, after which it became a calmish day.
The pious chronicler explains with evident satisfaction that while all this hullabaloo of wind and rain was in progress he was meditating upon a difficult portion of the One Hundred and Seventh Psalm and that he arrived at a satisfactory solution of its scriptural meaning. Little progress in their journey was made for some days.
On June i they began to experience sultry air and unwholesome fogs. Some of the Company were ill with scurvy. Many others were now down with smallpox. Fortunately the pestilence was of a mild character and no serious cases were now under observation. The situation on shipboard, however, was so critical that the two clergy- men resolved upon another day of fasting and prayer, scheduled for the next morning, in a hope that the Lord might favor them with prosperous winds. Their faith was more abundantly rewarded than they had reason to hope, as will appear from the following quotation:
The Lord that day heard us before we prayed, and gave us answer before we called; for early in the morning the wind turned full east, being as fit a wind as could blow; and sitting in my study on the ship’s poop, I saw many bonny fishes ( i . e., bonitos) and porpoises pursuing one another, and leaping some of them a yard above the water. Also, as we were at prayer under the hatch, some that were above saw a whale puffing up water not far from the ship. Now my wife was pretty well recovered from her seasickness.
With this cheerful note we conclude the first half of the voyage to New England for on June 5, 1629, the captain estimated that they were now half way to their destination.
They encountered icebergs on June 11, thus indicating that they had reached the Labrador current. Observing that one mountainous iceberg was aground and that the strong current was apparently pow- erless to move it, they dropped a sounding lead and found a bank of
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MONHEGAN ISLAND A Lighthouse that Looks Upon the Sea
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forty fathoms, or about two hundred and forty feet. The mariners estimated that the iceberg towered at least that distance above the water. Evidences of the nearness of land now cheered the voyagers. Water fowl in great numbers also appeared in the vicinity of the ship.
The two vessels were striving to keep within signalling distance. On the 15th of May they ran into a heavy fog and lost sight of each other. This fog continued despite the fact that a brisk breeze was blowing. Since there was no other shipping afloat in the great ocean the mariners continued their southeasterly progress, sailing briskly through the damp gloom and taking some chances with the floating mountains of ice of which present-day mariners are so fearful while traversing the Labrador current. The “Talbot” quite naturally lost its sister ship during this day and a half of blind sailing in the gloom of the fog. They had beaten their drum at intervals and anxiously listened for a response, but in vain !
The Rev. Higginson makes record that while they were engaged in a general prayer service on the deck of the “Talbot” on June 16 the fog suddenly lifted, and they sighted the missing ship far away. The captain of the “Talbot” immediately tacked in order to approach the other. The “Lion’s Whelp” was observed to be executing a like manoeuvre to hasten their meeting when the heavy cloud of fog again descended to the water’s edge, blotting out all view of one another.
By good fortune, however, the ships succeeded in approaching near enough so that the drum beat on the deck of the one could be heard on the deck of the other. Thus guided the vessels made a cautious approach and the commanders presently conferred together.
Despite the fact that the fog was now thicker than before so that the passengers of the respective ships could not see each other, they resumed their journey, sounding now and then to guard against the danger of encountering land. To their surprise the mariners found themselves in forty fathoms of water, which shortly decreased to thirty-six. Later soundings disclosed a depth of thirty-three fathoms. The depth continued to decrease at an alarming rate. In thick fog they feared running aground and so changed their course until they were in deeper water. In the process, however, the two ships became again separated and not even cannon shot could awaken an answering signal.
Thus dismally in the gloom the “Talbot” sailed on for another
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twenty-four hours. On shipboard the smallpox was still raging. Hig- ginson makes the following record under date of June 1 8 :
Thursday the wind full west, and contrary to us. This day a notorious wicked fellow, that was giving to swearing and boasting of his former wickedness .... and mocked at our days of fast, rail- ing and jesting against Puritans; this fellow being sick of the pox now died.
The ship had by this time discovered another shallow place in the sea bottom since they were traversing the chain of fishing banks off the Nova Scotia coast. The mariners declared their belief that they were in favorable latitude for fishing. Sails were furled and fishing tackle was gotten out. With shouts of joy the passengers hailed the wel- come sight of the taking of codfish in great numbers. The sea bottom was apparently alive with mighty fish, greedy for the bait and speedily hooked. Thus in a short time the ship’s decks were littered with cod- fish of mammoth size. A feast upon the sweet and toothsome fruits of the deep was, therefore, in order and most joyously observed by the passengers.
On June 19 the lookout on the masthead declared that he could see land lying at a great distance toward the northeast. For several days the “Talbot” continued in the general direction of New Eng- land. It was not until June 24 that the passengers themselves were privileged to behold the American continent. They were then seven or eight leagues off Cape Sable. The voyagers were cheered also by a report from the lookout that a sail was visible in their rear. Sus- pecting that this was the “Lion’s Whelp” which had been missing for seven days — they tarried until their consort came up with them. Another death on shipboard was written into the records for this day.
After leaving the vicinity of Cape Sable and sailing onward down the coast the voyagers had a clear view of islands and of hills along the mainland shore. Let us consult the language of the chronicle itself :
Now we saw abundance of mackerel, a great store of whales puf- fing up water as they go; some of them came near our ship. Their greatness did astonish us ... . their backs appeared like little islands. At five o’clock at night the wind turned southeast, a fair gale. This day we caught mackerel.
The next day, Friday, June 26, the chronicler records as foggy in the morning, but clearing after a bit, revealing a sea filled with schools
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of mackerel on all sides of the ship. “By noon,” Rev. Higginson declares, “we were within three leagues of Cape Ann, and as we sailed along the coast we saw every hill and dale and every island full of gay woods and high trees. The nearer we came to the shore, the more flowers in abundance we saw, sometimes scattered abroad on the water, sometimes joined in sheets nine or ten yards long, which we supposed to be brought from the low meadows by the tide. Now what with fine woods and green trees by land, and these yellow flow- ers painting the sea made us all desirous to see our new paradise of New England, whence we saw such forerunning signals of fertility afar off. Coming near the harbor toward night we tacked about for sea room.”
The harbor mentioned in this narrative was not that of Salem, but one on the southerly side of Cape Ann. The mariners were as yet unacquainted with the coast, but perceiving a great and spacious harbor were eager to seek safety therein, for the southwest wind was troublesome and even dangerous because of the near presence of land.
The “Talbot,” as previously related, had parted company with its consort in the great fog some days before. It was, therefore, alone at this time, anchored in the open sea during the night of June 25. Fog again vexed the sailors next morning, but shortly after eight o’clock the weather cleared. The wind was still adverse. The mariners, nevertheless, labored to bring their ship into a favorable position to run into the harbor. Little by little they gained, but it was after- noon before the cautious pilot dared venture into the channel. Hig- ginson has thus described the perils encountered in the attempt:
About four o’clock in the afternoon, having with much pain com- passed the harbor, and being ready to enter the same, (see how things may suddenly change ! ) there came a fearful gust of wind and rain and thunder and lightning, whereby we were borne with no little ter- ror to our mariner, having much ado to loose down the sails when the fury of the storm struck us. But, God be praised, it lasted but a little while, and soon abated again. And whereby the Lord showed us what he could have done with us, if it had pleased him. But, blessed be God, He soon removed this storm, and it was a fair and sweet evening.
In the meantime the colonists at Salem had beheld the distant ship in its struggles with wind and sea. Knowing the need of a pilot to guide the travellers into Salem Harbor, Governor Endicott sent forth
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a shallop with a competent pilot to proceed at once to the scene. The “Talbot” had no sooner anchored in the strange harbor, later the famous fishing port of Gloucester, than the voyagers were aware of a small sailing craft that came gaily before the wind down the channel which they had just traversed with such difficulty. With loud hosan- nas the newcomers hailed the “Talbot” and were presently alongside.
“Welcome to New England!” cried their leader as he clambered onto the deck of the emigrant ship. “We bring you the greetings and the blessings of our Governor, Master Endicott.”
“In God’s name we return your gracious salutations,” cried Rev. Francis Higginson devoutly, “but have you heard aught of our sister ship, the ‘Lion’s Whelp’ ?”
“No, not the ‘Lion’s Whelp,’ but the ‘George’ has arrived. She is now safely anchored in our harbor of Salem.”
“The ‘George’ sailed a week before we did.”
“These five days she has been at Salem and our Governor has had a lookout posted to watch for the ‘Talbot’ and the ‘Lion’s Whelp.’ ” The travellers were not long in uncertainty concerning the fate of their sister ship, for she presently joined them.
The harbor where the “Talbot” was now anchored was but nine miles from Salem. It was too late to make the passage that night and the following day was Sunday. In this age it would be consid- ered quite the thing for voyagers who had long been confined in cramped quarters on ship board to complete their journey on the Sab- bath day, and thus to join their friends in Salem. But the Puritan code of morals forbade any manner of work on the Lord’s Day. All day Sunday, therefore, the “Talbot” lay at anchor in the forest- bordered harbor of Gloucester. The Rev. Francis Higginson preached an eloquent sermon of rejoicing at their safe arrival in the New World, yet not a soul stirred from the anchorage.
On Monday, however, the mariners, under command of the pilot sent by John Endicott, set forth from the harbor of refuge and sailed down the coast.
The narrative thus simply describes the conclusion of their long and perilous voyage :
As we passed along it was wonderful to behold so many islands, replenished with thick woods and high trees, and many fair green pastures. And being come into the harbor we saw the “George” to
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our great comfort, there being come on Tuesday, which was seven days before us. We rested that night with glad and thankful hearts that God had put an end to our long and tedious journey through the greatest sea in the world.
The next morning the Governor came aboard our ship and bade us kindly welcome, and invited me and my wife to come on shore and take our lodging in his house, which we did accordingly.
Thus we end the recital of a typical voyage by which our sturdy ancestors crossed from England to the shores of Massachusetts Bay. Thus came to America the Rev. Francis Higginson, one of the first of the Puritan Clergymen who were destined to set the seal of a stern code of morals upon the infant colony on the wilderness shores of America.
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CHAPTER XIV
A Government Established at Salem
When the Higginson contingent reached Salem toward the end of June, 1629, they found a modest settlement of about ten houses for the ordinary colonists and a special residence newly completed for the Governor. Since about two hundred passengers had arrived, fifty- two on the “George,” one hundred on the “Talbot” and more than forty on the “Lion’s Whelp,” it was necessary for them to fall to work with all speed in the construction of houses. In the meantime the new colonists set up temporary quarters in tents and huts hastily constructed. It was summer, with sunshine such as they had never experienced in England. The newcomers were, therefore, well con- tent with conditions as they found them in Salem and could labor zealously to provide themselves with permanent homes.
The chief activity of the colony was directed to the preparation of lumber for house building. The nearby forests now resounded to the ring of axes and the busy murmur of saws in the hands of sturdy colonists. A score of houses were in process at the same time, so in a few days the settlement took on all the features of a thriving town.
Governor Endicott was ever a man of action. Suddenly con- fronted by the great problems involved in the settling of a large num- ber of colonists not only in Salem, but also at various points along the coast, he made haste to lay plans for the establishment of a govern- ment for the entire territory. His letter of instructions from the Massachusetts Bay Company had clothed him with full authority as Governor-General. He accordingly issued summonses to all groups of colonists, requesting them to assemble in Salem for the setting up of a form of government.
A circumstance that favored the sending out of summonses for a general conference at Salem was the necessity of advising Governor Bradford of Plymouth of the arrival of the Leyden passengers who had been transported on the three ships “Mayflower,” “Pilgrim” and “Four Sisters,” that reached Salem shortly after the three ships already mentioned. Plymouth Colony had long been seeking to pro- vide the means of transporting members of the Robinson congrega-
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tion from Leyden to America and had seized upon the sailing of the Puritan fleet as a means to that end.
James Shirley, the agent in England of the Pilgrim Fathers, had engaged passage for thirty-five Leyden colonists with the Bay Colony expedition. With their goods and chattels the long exiled Separatists landed in Salem, which was then ill-prepared for their accommoda- tion. Governor Endicott was somewhat uneasy over the heretical views of this alien group ; consequently, he made haste to send word to Plymouth Plantation to provide shipping for them at the earliest possible moment. Thus he was able to utilize the same messengers in the task of summoning all planters along the coast to a conference.
There were now to be found settlers at Weymouth, Nantasket, Merrymount, at various islands in Boston Harbor, as well as along the mainland in the territory now confirmed by royal grant to the Massachusetts Bay Company. While the Governor’s messengers may not have been overwelcome, yet the sturdy planters promised to attend the conference, if only to air their views of the general situation.
A matter of immediate concern to Governor Endicott was the case of the Rev. Ralph Smith, who had arrived on the “Talbot” with Higginson. It will be remembered that the officers of the Bay Corm pany had learned, after Smith had been accepted as one of the ministers for the Colony, that his Puritanism was unsound. He was suspected of being a Separatist. Since Smith and his family had already embarked on the “Talbot,” with their household goods on shipboard, it was not deemed prudent to turn him back.
Matthew Cradock, the Governor of the Company, had, there-^ fore, written to Endicott to give the Rev. Smith a very thorough examination as to the true nature of his religious belief. If he should be found unwilling to conform in all respects to the Puritan faith he was not to be permitted to remain in the Colony.
The suspected clergyman had no sooner landed on American soil than he found himself summoned into the presence of the stern- faced Governor. A widower and burdened with many cares, John Endicott was in no mood to treat with charity any deviation from his own conceptions of religious faith. The conference was held in the Governor’s house — the house newly built in which the Rev. Francis Higginson was now a guest.
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It will be remembered that Smith had assisted Higginson in some of the religious services on shipboard. They had been together for more than seven weeks, with religious themes constantly on their tongues. Smith had quite fully revealed his unorthodox views on church ritual and had found his fellow-clergyman tolerant and sympa- thetic. When, therefore, he found Rev. Francis Higginson in the council room with the Governor when he entered, it seemed to him a reassuring circumstance.
Smith was no doubt hoping that the conference had been called to consider the religious duties of the four clergymen now in the Colony. Rev. Samuel Skelton had arrived on the “George”; Rev. Francis Bright on the “Lion’s Whelp.” It was at once apparent, however, that the Governor was concerned over whether the visitor was fit to preach at all. Ralph Smith was a straightforward and fear- less man who had no hestitation in stating his views, nor in attempt- ing to justify them to the indignant Endicott.
Higginson took little part in the inquisition, being a distressed spectator, perhaps a bit troubled over his own disclosures to the Gov- ernor of Smith’s privately expressed religious opinions. The inter- view grew more and more stormy, ending in angry denunciations of the visitor by Governor Endicott.
“You are unworthy of sanctuary in this new land,” he thundered, “and I will take means to rid us of you and yours.”
Smith very well knew that this arbitrary man, clothed with auto- cratic authority, would take extreme measures against him. Repent- ing bitterly that he had brought his wife and children thus far from home, only to land in such a hornet’s nest, he left the Governor’s house and returned toward the rude shanty in which his family and goods were temporarily housed.
By good fortune he now espied Roger Conant near the wharf in earnest conversation with a bearded stranger. Having learned of Conant’s former differences with the Governor and perhaps instinc- tively believing that he was a man whose judgment could be relied upon, the distressed cleric hurried toward him.
Conant and his companion turned respectfully toward the approaching clergyman, for there was no mistaking his desire to have speech with them.
“Oh, sir,” cried Smith when the greetings were over, “I find myself in a most unhappy plight. I came here with my wife and chil-
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SALEM “WITCHES” WHO DOTED ON POSING THUS Snapshot by the Author, July, 1936
NO BROOMSTICK RIDING HERE — OCTOBER MORNING IN SALEM Snapshot by Author, October, 1938
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dren in full confidence that it was God’s will that I preach the Gos- pel in this place. But your Governor has just threatened to send us back to England.”
“Back to England!” ejaculated Conant aghast. “What reasons does he have for such a threat?”
“That my views of religion are too liberal for this plantation. He calls me a Separatist.”
“Aha! Like our friends at Plymouth Plantation! I was once as harsh in my judgment of them, but I have learned to appreciate that even Separatists may have kind hearts and be very good neighbors.”
“Would that I could flee to them for protection.”
“Master Bradford would protect you if he felt so disposed. If there is any man on this coast who is a match for our own worship- ful Governor, it is the Governor of Plymouth Plantation.”
“Oh, sir, tell me how I may go to him. This harsh man must not visit upon my innocent wife and children his hot displeasure against me.”
Conant and his companion exchanged significant glances.
“This man,” Conant declared, his face kindling exultantly, “is not of our Plantation. His shallop rides yonder at anchor. He will return tonight at Nantasko, the plantation of John Oldham. If I mistake not he will take you and yours beyond the reach of our sweet-tempered friend in the big house.”
“That I will,” cried the other heartily, “and find pleasure in the task. Master Oldham has a patent to Nantasko and all the land thereabouts, but this Colony is laying claim to it under a second grant from the same owner. We have no love for Master Endicott and his high-handed rule.”
Thus the clergyman was offered a means of escape from Salem. That very evening he and his family were spirited aboard the visit- ing shallop. Before John Endicott knew what had happened the fugi- tives were well on their way to the Oldham trading post.
Salem was soon to witness the assembling of colonists from various points along the coast from Cape Ann to Nantasket, in answer to the summons of Governor Endicott. But it must not be supposed that Endicott was planning to establish a government in which the various plantations would enjoy representation and lawmaking power. Not at all. The Massachusetts Bay Company, of whom Matthew Cra-
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dock was Governor or Chairman, had already formulated plans for the government of the Colony, as will be seen from the following quotation from the letter of instructions to Endicott of April 17, 1629 :
We have, in prosecution of that good opinion we have always had of you, confirmed you as Governor of our Plantation, and joined in commission with you the three ministers, namely, Mr. Francis Hig- ginson, Mr. Samuel Skelton, and Mr. Francis Bright; also Mr. John and Samuel Brown, Mr. Thomas Graves and Mr. Samuel Sharpe; and for that we have ordered that the body of the government there shall consist of thirteen persons, we are content the old planters that are now there within our plantation and limits thereof, shall choose the discreetest and judicial men amongst themselves to be of the gov- ernment, that they may see we are not wanting to give them fitting respect, in that we would have their consent (if it may be) in making wholesome constitutions for government; always provided, that none shall be chosen, or meddle in their choice, but such as will live amongst us and conform themselves to our government.
Thus it will be seen that the colonists along the coast were very much restricted in what they might do at the conference. They were privileged to choose two members of the council of thirteen provided they could agree among themselves upon any two men. Since the various local settlements had little to do with one another and each unit was headed by pioneers with ideas and ambitions of their own the probability of agreement was not great. With this explana- tion we may the better understand the following provision:
But if they shall refuse to perform this our direction, then we hereby authorize you and those nominated to be of the council afore- said, to nominate and elect two such men as in your opinions you shall hold meet for that place and office; and for the other three which will be wanting to make up the full number of thirteen (which we have styled the council of Massachusetts Bay) we hereby authorize you with the aforenamed seven persons to choose and nominate them out of the whole body of the company, as well as of those that are there as of those that come now.
It is not to be supposed that John Endicott declared in advance to the colonists whom he summoned to Salem the nature of his instruc- tions from the home office of the company. They were bidden merely to a conference to establish an orderly government for the protection
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of all. The conference itself, therefore, held possibilities of disillu- sionment and animosity.
Even Thomas Morton, the impudent and reckless troublemaker of Merrymount, was among those who assembled in Salem at the Governor’s conference. To a man of his sardonic humor it must have been a great satisfaction to rub elbows with the very planters who had not long before combined against him and caused his arrest for trading firearms with the Indians. It will be remembered that in spite of the heavy expense of legal proceedings Morton’s case had been thrown out of the English courts and the culprit himself had returned to America. The vexation of his former captors and even of the Governor himself was heightened by the fact that Morton was a clever lawyer, more than a match for them all in this business of estab- lishing laws and regulations.
When Governor Endicott had opened the meeting, after an elo- quent prayer by Rev. Samuel Skelton, and had read to the assem- bled planters the terms imposed by the Massachusetts Bay Company the first skirmish of the conference was on.
“Do I understand, Master Endicott,” inquired Thomas Morton with biting sarcasm, “that we may choose two members of the sacred thirteen, provided we can agree upon two planters who will each in turn agree to anything the other eleven may decide?”
“The choice of two planters must be made in good faith,” rejoined the Governor icily, “and only such may be chosen as are known to be law-abiding.”
“How indeed may any man be law-abiding until laws are made by which he may abide?”
“The laws of Holy Writ and of the land from which we came are our true and proper guides, Master Morton.”
“In that event, Master Endicott, I am indeed doubly qualified to serve this Colony. I was accused not long since of offenses not so much as mentioned in Holy Writ and the judges in the courts of England restored me my liberty in that I was arrested for no offense against the laws of our homeland.”
Governor John Endicott had been bred a soldier. He was no match in the subtleties of language for the astute Morton. His only reliance in a contest of this sort was upon the learned and pious clergy- man, Samuel Skelton. It will be remembered that Skelton had arrived
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a full week before Higginson and Bright reached Salem. He had brought with him, moreover, a copy of the letter of instructions by which Endicott was to be guided. Together they had analyzed and weighed its contents. Skelton, moreover, had a very thorough knowl- edge of the laws of Moses and was eager to put those laws into operation.
The situation in which the colonists found themselves was, indeed, peculiar. They had never understood the mysteries of the common law of the homeland, and they distrusted the system because of its amazing technicalities. There was no special reason why they should endeavor to apply so complicated a system of laws in their simple and primitive settlements on the coast of New England, especially when no one in their midst except the discredited lawyer, Thomas Morton, knew anything of the common law of England. The clergyman was astute enough to perceive that if the colonists, to whom the Bible was already a daily companion, could be persuaded to accept it as their guide in secular affairs, the Colony would become utterly depend- ent upon it, thus magnifying the importance of the church and of its clergy as interpreters of the word of God. He, therefore, strongly championed the idea of disregarding the common law of England and relying upon those higher laws that might be found only in the Bible. Endicott, therefore, fell in with the plan to make Holy Writ their sole reliance in the new Colony. He now presented to the assem- bly a written document in the nature of an informal constitution which he and Rev. Samuel Skelton had prepared. The general tenor of the document was that the Colony should rely upon the Bible not only for spiritual guidance, but also for direction in all civil affairs.
“What better guide can men have than God’s holy word?” declared Endicott at the conclusion of the reading of the articles. “In the Bible we find the laws by which crimes are punished and the very punishments themselves. What more fitting thing that in this new land we should look to the holy book for the ordering of our daily lives ?”
Thomas Morton, of Merrymount, was on his feet. “But Mas- ter Endicott, there are many things in the Hebrew laws that Eng- lishmen have long refused to obey.”
“Quite true, Master Morton, the Ten Commandments, for instance, but we be for the most part a God-fearing group of men and
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women, and there should be no hardship to any if all are required to obey the commands given by God himself on Mount Sinai.”
“I speak not of the Ten Commandments, Master Endicott. These Commandments be very popular at my little settlement of Mare Mount. I am thinking of whether this Colony is to be Eng- lish or Jewish, whether all the males in this Colony are to be sub- ject to a certain well-known bit of Jewish surgery.”
“Stop, Master Morton,” thundered the Governor with livid coun- tenance. “If you have come here to make light of our holy book — to cause trouble in this solemn hour, then know you that I have full power to deal with such as you.”
“Nay, nay, Master Endicott. I am merely pointing out that the English nation has long since learned that the laws and customs of the Jews, handed down by Moses more than three thousand years ago, are not suitable for Christian man. Our neighbors at Plymouth have tried the experiment these nine years past, and they have found it necessary to make new laws for their own guidance.”
“Master Morton has pointed out a great truth, Master Endi- cott,” cried Roger Conant earnestly.
“Will it not be said in England that we have become Separatists and not Puritans, if we make the same experiment?”
“Nay, Master Conant, we have no intention of relying entirely upon the Bible, for we must deal with matters not touched upon by the Good Book.”
“Then, Master Endicott,” rejoined Thomas Morton, “there can be no objection to the plan I have in mind of adding to your statement a proviso that we follow the dictates of the Bible in all points not inconsistent with the laws of England.”
Greatly as John Endicott disliked Thomas Morton and much as he distrusted any proposition that Morton might advocate, yet this proposal was so fair on its face that even he could not openly oppose its adoption.
The next proposition before the assembly was the burning ques- tion of trading with the Indians. It will be remembered that to some of the early colonists trade with the natives was one of the most potent allurements of the New World. Here and there along the coast might even then be found a tiny settlement that was virtually a trading post to which Indians of the nearby forest came with furs
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and other products of the chase with which to barter for gaudy trin- kets, knives, articles of clothing and the like. These furs could be sold in England at great profit. Thomas Morton had already won unholy gain by trading guns and ammunition with the Indians, despite the fact that to place firearms in the hands of the savages was a poten- tial menace to every colonist, man, woman and child, in New England. Another article of trade was that perennial mischiefmaker, intoxicating liquor. The white man’s firewater seemed to have a fatal lure for the simple children of the forest. It was demoralizing if not deadly in its effect, for the stoical Indian had no self-control in the use of the potent beverage. Morton and others had taken full advantage of this weakness of their savage neighbors, for they had speedily discovered that a thirsty Indian would surrender almost anything in exchange for firewater.
The new plan of vesting all trading privileges in the Company itself would automatically deny to all colonists the right to trade or barter with the Indians. Every colonist who had already established himself on the coast quite naturally regarded this plan as an invasion of his rights as an Englishman. However, these colonists may have distrusted Thomas Morton, yet in the discussion of so grave a matter they welcomed his powerful championship. All eyes were turned upon Morton as he arose to address the gathering after Endicott had read the clause prohibiting private trade or barter with the Indians.
“Master Endicott, I protest most solemnly against this plan which you have read. Methinks it is contrary to our rights as freeborn men. It is dangerous as a policy of life in this wilderness.”
“How now, Master Morton, will you presume to criticise a policy enjoined upon us by the proprietors of this Colony?”
“Criticise it, yes, with my whole heart, and I beg leave to explain the reasons for my criticism. First, it is contrary to all custom in England to deny any man a right to sell his property to whomsoever may desire to purchase it. Do you question the truth of this state- ment, Master Endicott?”
“But we are no longer in England,” replied the Governor impa- tiently. “We are in this new land which belongs to the Massachusetts Bay Company. We are graciously permitted to remain in this Colony provided we are willing to obey just and equal rules and regulations.” “But this, I submit, is not a just rule — nor a fair rule. If I have
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a chair or a table more than I need for my own use, may I not sell it to any other Englishman?”
“There is no rule to prevent you from so doing.”
“Precisely, but if an Indian should desire an axe and would gladly pay me in peltry for the same, by your rules it would be unlaw- ful for me to truck with him?”
“You would be dealing with heathen savages and not with Chris- tian men. The Company reserves to itself all trading privileges with the native tribes.”
“How then may the Indian barter for my axe, or better still, for a string of beads or a knife? Must he travel to Salem to buy some- thing that is in my possession in Mare Mount?”
Governor Endicott, like the choleric soldier that he was, found his temper almost beyond control. Morton’s manner was irritating, but his logic was quite maddening.
“What is the Indian to think of this state of affairs?” continued Morton belligerently. “If he comes to me for things that I have hitherto supplied him, and I refuse to sell to him more, is he not likely to take it gravely amiss? The natives are revengeful and treacherous. This policy would expose every little outpost along the coast to hostility and danger.”
“On the contrary,” cried Endicott angrily, “it would prevent fur- ther mischief on the part of men who traffic in guns and gunpowder without regard to the safety of their neighbors. The savages already have too many guns in their possession. They shall have no more.” Then followed a heated altercation. Morton stoutly denied the imputation in the Governor’s words. He aimed deadly shafts of satire at the plan. But when Endicott finally declared that the revenue from trade with the Indians would be devoted to the building of churches in the Colony and also to the expense of erecting forts at strategic points along the coast, the assembled colonists saw the mat- ter in a new light. The burden of churches and forts would be upon the shoulders of every colonist. Any plan that might lighten that burden was, therefore, a benefit to all, whereas the right to trade with the Indians might be of little or of no value to the average colonist. It was only such men as the hated and feared Thomas Morton who could derive much personal gain from the privilege.
Thus deserted, the Master of Merrymount could do little but rage
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at the injustice of the plan, and to threaten appeal to the courts of England. One by one the old planters affixed their signatures to the articles of agreement — all except Thomas Morton, who had refused to witness the spectacle. It may be that the astute lawyer realized that he had better be on his way while the angry Governor was still intent on the main purpose of the conference. Before the meeting adjourned the Morton shallop was heading out to sea before a lazy breeze, safely out of reach of Endicott’s restraining power. Morton was on his way home to Merrymount, fully resolved to carry on his Indian trading as before.
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“PIONEER VILLAGE,” SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS — A DISTANT VIEW Snapshot by the Author, July, 1936
SALEM COMMON
Snapshot by the Author, October, 1938
CHAPTER XV
An Independent, Self-Governing Church
It was inevitable that John Endicott, the pioneer Governor of the Salem Colony, should encounter tribulations in his own official fam- ily. It will be remembered that the Executive Committee of the Mas- sachusetts Bay Company had sent over with the Higginson contingent seven men commissioned to assist Endicott in the government of the Colony. Five others were to be selected to make up a council of thirteen, including the Governor himself as Chairman.
Since these seven assistants to the Governor, chosen in England, were prominent or wealthy men, no doubt strangers to Endicott, there would naturally be rivalries of authority to be threshed out when the “Council of Massachusetts Bay” should begin to function. There were two members of the Council, John and Samuel Brown, who deserve especial mention at this time, because of a serious dispute in the infant Colony in which the Browns were very prominent.
The first mention that we find of them in the Company records occurred in the letter of instructions to Endicott under date of April 21, 1629:
We had almost forgotten to recommend unto you two brethren of our Company, Mr. John and Mr. Samuel Brown, who though they be no adventurers in the general stock, yet are they men we do much respect, being fully persuaded of their sincere affections to the good of our plantation. The one, Mr. John Brown, is sworn as an Assist- ant here, and by us chosen one of the Council there; a man experi- enced in the laws of our Kingdom, and such an one as we are per- suaded will worthily deserve your favor and furtherance; which we desire he may have.
The Browns soon demonstrated their independence of mind in that most dangerous of all fields — religion. It has previously been pointed out that the Puritans were a sect of the Church of England who believed in purifying it from its abuses, working within the church to that end. Now the three clergymen who had newly-landed in America were confronted by a great practical problem. While in England they had of necessity worked under the domination of the
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established church, subject to its will and governed by its bishops and dignitaries. But now they were facing the problem of setting up a church in the wilderness, with a great ocean separating them from ecclesiastical overlords of the Church of England. Should they perpetuate in their churches in Massachusetts Bay the very abuses against which they had so long struggled, or should they establish a church modeled upon the Church of England, but purified from fea- tures deemed by them objectionable? A real difficulty lay in their pathway if they were still to claim Church of England allegiance. The rulers of the Established Church might order them to conform in all respects, thus raising a very embarrassing issue. Might it not be better to do as Plymouth Plantation had done — declare their church an independent religious body?
In this dilemma the three clergymen appealed to Governor Endi- cott for official sanction to set up a reformed church with no official connection with the Church of England. John Endicott, despite his recent harsh treatment of Rev. Ralph Smith, had by this time seen the futility of an attempt of non-conformists to establish anything but a non-conformist church. The boldness of the move appealed strongly to the spirit of a bold and resolute man, such as he.
Endicott, thereupon, laid the matter before such of the Council as had already been chosen. To his surprise and dismay two of his official family at once rose up in protest.
“We are not keeping faith with those who sent us if we do this thing,” cried John Brown, in great agitation.
“In what way,” responded Rev. Samuel Skelton, “can this be con- strued a breach of faith? Do not all of our brethren deplore certain customs of the Established Church?”
“True enough, Master Skelton, but are we to abandon the Church of England merely because we desire improvements therein?”
“Not so, Master Brown. But can we be expected to establish on these shores the abominations against which we have labored? Mas- ter Higginson and Master Bright agree with me that our church in this Colony should be purified of all such abuses, but in other respects to resemble the Established Church.”
“This is plain treason to the Established Church. It is setting up a church like that of Plymouth — nothing less.”
“I do not agree with you, Master Brown,” broke in Governor
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Endicott tartly, “there is a difference between conforming to the Established Church in all essential particulars as we propose to do and having no ritual at all as is the case of our brethren at Plymouth.”
“A distinction in degree merely. The principle is the same — we become Separatists and when that fact is known in England it will prove the undoing of this Colony.”
Thus they argued the matter pro and con. The two Browns stood out for strict conformity, whereas the other members of the Council advocated a church modeled upon the Puritan conception of a ritual free from Catholic influences. The Church of England, when established by Henry VIII and his Parliament less than a century before, as we know, had substituted the reigning sovereign for the Pope of Rome, but had made few other changes. The close resem- blance of the Church of England in its essential characteristics to the Roman Catholic Church had long been a sore affliction to English Protestants and especially to the Puritan sect. Freed from the over- shadowing power of the English Crown and at liberty to establish their own Church in America, it was inevitable that the new Colony should set up a church in conformity with their own views, having no official relation with the Church of England.
In every group of men there will usually be found some who stub- bornly resist change from accepted customs. The fact that there were two such men in the Council itself was at least indication that among the colonists at Salem there might be a faction that would cling to the ritual and customs of the Church of England. Gov- ernor Endicott’s triumph in the Council, however overwhelming it may have seemed at the time, was not the last that would be heard of adherence to the Established Church.
The present generation of Americans may wonder at the fact that both the Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay Colonies yoked civil government and church government together. But there is a perfectly logical explanation. They were following accepted usage in so doing. In this Puritan Colony, founded as an asylum for perse- cuted members of the faith, church and state were to be one and inseparable. In fact there was no precedent for anything else. From the very beginning of the English nation there had been a union of church and state, the church, in fact, often assuming to govern the state, especially during the reigns of the weaker kings.
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Governor Endicott, as a loyal adherent of the Puritan faith, was, therefore, eager to establish a strong and well-organized church in Salem. The church was to be his reliance ; his refuge and strength in the problems that confronted him. Now, to establish a church involved more than the mere gathering together of the inhabitants to listen on the Sabbath Day to one or another of the clergymen then in the Colony, since preaching services were held every Sunday as it was. This preaching, however, lacked authority. A call was accordingly sent out to all members of the faith to assemble in an appointed place for the choosing of a pastor and for the establishment of a general form of church government. This proclamation set aside July 20 as a solemn day of fasting and prayer for guidance in the choice of a pastor and teacher.
By pastor was meant the chief minister of a church. He preached the Sunday sermon and was the leader of the flock. Every Puritan church of early times seems to have had a teacher, or assistant to the pastor, apparently with general oversight of the mid-week lectures. These lectures were in reality sermons for the instruction of the peo- ple in truths taught by the Bible, for there were no Sunday schools or Bible schools in those days.
While Governor Endicott was thus preparing for the expected setting up of an independent church in America there was, unknown to him, an even more zealous movement afoot for the defeat of his much-desired project. John Brown, the leader of this movement, had been a lawyer in England, a man of no small ability and powers of persuasion. His brother, Samuel, had been a merchant in London. Both men were highly regarded by those who had been fellow- passengers with them during the voyage to America. As will no doubt be remembered, they had lost their fight in the Council, but sin- cerely believing that to abandon the Book of Common Prayer and the well-known rituals of the Church of England would be a grave mis- take, they set about secretly to interview their acquaintances concern- ing the proposed change. They pointed out the well-known zeal of Charles I to enforce conformity to the Established Church. They argued that so radical a step among the newly arrived colonists might cause the destruction of the Colony itself. The ambitious plans of the Massachusetts Bay Company, upon which plans their future depended, might thus be thwarted by the rash action of their colonists in America.
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These arguments were convincing to many. But the Browns were struggling against great odds. The ministers of the Colony had already begun to conduct services in which the hated ritual was almost entirely neglected. The simplicity and directness of this new type of service appealed to the people. An oft-repeated ritual that had lost much of its spiritual significance, quite naturally suffered in comparison with prayers by eloquent clergy, voicing the thoughts and aspirations of their followers and appropriate to their present needs. The charm of novelty and human interest was thus added to the bal- ance in which the old order and the new were being weighed in the public mind.
There were even greater obstacles in the path of the leaders of this secret campaign. The ministers themselves were unanimous for the change. Laymen in those days were hardy indeed who dared oppose the opinions of university trained clergymen. Then, too, there was the well-nigh invulnerable position of the party in power. Governor Endicott, with his military training and headstrong nature, could brook no opposition. His masterful conduct in the meetings of the Council had already marked him as a leader who would enforce his views at all costs.
The fateful date arrived — July 20, 1629. It was a cloudless day, with a gentle breeze stirring the Salem cornfields and bringing to the assembly, gathered in the shade of a grove of trees in the outskirts of the settlement, the cooling breath of the nearby ocean. A platform had been erected in the midst of the grove and upon it were assembled the Governor and Council, with the two ministers, Skelton and Higginson.
The service opened with prayer by Rev. Samuel Skelton, a prayer for guidance, but also an eloquent and moving appeal that laid hold upon the hearts of the people drawing them with him to the heights of a lofty resolve. It is no small thing to blaze a new trail in politics or religion. The assembled colonists, lately released from the over- shadowing danger of persecution for their faith, knew full well the significance of the action which they were being called upon by their votes to ratify. For this reason they listened with rapt attention as Governor John Endicott rose from his seat of honor to address them. Bluntly and with all the directness of a soldier he stated the purpose of the meeting.
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Four weeks have passed since our brethren in holy orders arrived at this place [he began impressively] and we have had much comfort from their teachings, but we be a disorganized company. We hail from different parishes in England. As yet we have no church and no parish, no organization. We are met today under God’s blessed guidance to choose us a pastor and to organize ourselves into a par- ish, with regulations suited to our needs in this new land. Let us, therefore, choose from these noble and devout men who were minis- ters of parishes in England a pastor for this flock in America.
As we know, there were then two clergymen in Salem, Rev. Sam- uel Skelton and Rev. Francis Higginson, Rev. Francis Bright having gone South to the settlement at Charlestown. Skelton and Higgin- son were thereupon formally examined by the Governor and his assist- ants upon their religious opinions. Each of them gave answer that a minister of God’s holy word must have a twofold calling. First, he must be called of God to preach the Gospel, that is to say, he must feel within his own heart an urgent desire to become a minister. Each clergyman professed to have thus been called of God. The second requirement of a clergyman, they each averred, was a call by the people over whom the candidate was to be a pastor. In those days such a view was radical in the extreme, since clergy in England were assigned to their parishes by ecclesiastical authority without regard to the wishes of the people of the parishes affected. It was, there- fore, a distinct move toward democracy not only in religious matters but also in secular affairs for, as previously pointed out, the English people had hitherto regarded church and state as inseparable, with no right of local self-government.
Rev. Samuel Skelton might well have been regarded as the lead- ing candidate for the office of pastor, since he enjoyed the powerful friendship and support of the Governor himself. John Endicott had been a parishioner of Skelton when the latter had been in the active ministry in England. It was no surprise to anyone, therefore, when Samuel Skelton was elected official head of the Salem Church and Rev. Francis Higginson was elected teacher.
The Brown faction was well content with the choices of pastor and teacher, but when the assembly was called upon to decide between establishing a branch of the Church of England in the Colony, or to create an independent Puritan Church, John Brown, the lawyer, brought into play all of his powers of persuasion against the innova-
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tion. The Governor had hoped that all opposition had by this time been allayed. Even when Brown arose to speak Endicott could not believe that anything more was involved than the unsupported voice of one man. He soon had reason to alter his opinion. An able law- yer has a way of so marshalling known facts that listeners become convinced, even against their will, that the lawyer is right. Brown was able, eloquent and full of zeal for the cause that he had espoused.
As the Governor listened to the lawyer’s argument he was amazed at the audacity and persuasive power of the man, but even more at the effect he was obviously producing upon the assembly. A hostile audience was becoming progressively less hostile. Applause from a mere handful of supporters soon gave place to spontaneous outbursts from the ranks of the Governor’s staunchest supporters. Before the speaker had reached his climax the Governor turned uneasily to Rev. Samuel Skelton.
“Master Skelton,” he whispered hoarsely, “this madman will undo all our plans! You must answer him!”
“That I will,” replied the other grimly. “I will answer him. God’s word is mightier than any Prayer Book.”
The Book of Common Prayer was, of course, the visible symbol of the Church of England. To abandon its use in church services and rely wholly upon the Bible for guidance was the united wish of the Governor and his ecclesiastical advisers. In Brown’s argument he had stressed the danger of such an innovation, picturing the wrath of Charles I and the English clergy, if such radical action were to be taken in the new Colony. His listeners knew all too well the zeal of the Established Church in enforcing conformity. Much as they desired the abandonment of distasteful ritual, their fears of reprisals in England against the newly formed Company caused them to listen with great attentiveness to the lawyer’s argument.
Logic and religion, however, are not always yokefellows. There is something elemental in religious opinions — blind faith, perhaps, or prejudice that springs forth in response to kindling words of a reli- gious leader.
John Brown had spoken effectively. Had a vote been taken at the close of his argument, he might well have triumphed over his adversaries. But Rev. Samuel Skelton arose from his place beside the Governor to address the assembly. Fired with zeal for the cause
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which he had espoused and indignant at what seemed to him the lack of courage of the opposite faction, he was soon launched upon a speech of moving eloquence. Holding in one hand the Book of Com- mon Prayer and resting the other on the opened pages of the Bible, he closed his address by a dramatic appeal to his auditors to choose between the two. In the stress of emotions it perhaps did not occur to the multitude that the two books were not necessarily antagonistic.
Seizing upon the mood of the assembly, Governor Endicott put the motion, with the result that by an overwhelming vote of the Church of England was abandoned in favor of a Puritan Church to be self- governing and independent, the Bible alone being its guide in ritual and belief.
Before the meeting adjourned came the solemn and impressive ceremony of consecrating the newly-elected pastor. The assembly was confronted by the circumstance that they were creating a new and independent church. It was impossible to follow precedents of the laying on of hands by clergy of the same or a higher order. Endi- cott and his advisers, however, hit upon the expedient of consecrating their pastor by action of the civil authorities. After a fervent “sea- son of prayer” the Governor and the members of the Council gath- ered around Rev. Samuel Skelton. Each laid a hand upon him declar- ing that they did so in token of his consecration as the first pastor of the Salem Church.
When the ceremony had been completed as to Skelton himself, it was decided to be proper for him to proceed to the consecration of his assistant, Rev. Francis Higginson. In the presence of the assem- bled church members, Skelton called Higginson before him and caused him to kneel while he prayed for the blessing of Heaven upon the work to be undertaken. Laying his hands upon the head of the kneeling clergyman, Skelton declared him the duly elected teacher of the faithful in the Salem Church.
The last official action of this extraordinary assembly was to fix upon August 6, 1629, as another day of fasting and prayer for the choosing and ordaining of elders and deacons, for the adoption of a confession of faith and a form of church covenant according to the scriptures. Rev. Francis Higginson was requested to draft, in the intervening two weeks, the covenant and confession of faith.
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CHAPTER XVI
Heavy Responsibilities of Governor Endicott
Governor John Endicott had many problems to face in the sum- mer of 1629. His obligations to the Massachusetts Bay Company demanded that the transport ships, some of which were still in Salem Harbor, be loaded with a salable cargo and sent home at the earliest possible moment. Furs taken in trade with the Indian tribes were highly prized in England, but the quantity on hand in Salem when the Higginson expedition arrived was necessarily small. It had been sent home by the first returning ship.
Cradock had written in his original letter of instructions to the Salem Colony urging the speedy return of the transport ships with the best cargo obtainable — dried fish if the colonists had the means to catch and cure the same, but if no better cargo could be had, then to load the ships with lumber. To quote Cradock’s own words : “There hath not been a better time for the sale of timber these seven years than at present, and therefore, pity it is these ships should come back empty.” He also expressed a desire that sassafras and sarsaparilla be sent home in quantity, together with sumac, if there were such to be had in the forest.
The “Talbot” was one of the ships especially mentioned whose return to England must be hastened with all speed.
“But pray do not detain her any long time,” Cradock wrote, “to cut timber, or any other gross lading; for she is at £150 a month charges, which will soon eat out more than the goods she would stay for is worth.”
Facing so great a responsibility, with several ships in the harbor in the process of unloading or taking on cargo, Governor Endicott was at his wits’ end to find men enough for the various activities of the Colony. It must be remembered that house-building was an impera- tive necessity, for a large portion of the newly arrived colonists were still living in tents and huts until houses could be provided for them.
The Puritan conception of the duties of a government no doubt added greatly to the cares of Endicott and his associates. In the various letters of instructions from the Bay Company the Governor
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was ordered, among other exacting tasks, to see to it that every fam- ily in the Colony maintained morning and evening devotions.
Our earnest desire [the letter of April 17, 1629, informed him] is that you take special care, in settling these families, that the chief in the family, at least some of them, be grounded in religion; whereby morning and evening family duties may be duly performed, and a watchful eye held over all in each family, by one or more in each fam- ily to be appointed thereto, so that disorders may be prevented, and ill weeds nipped before they take too great a head.
Thus we may understand the complete paternalism of this new venture in free-government — the necessity of a watchful eye over the daily life of every individual in the Colony. That the officials of the Bay Company understood full well the difficulties in the way of such personal oversight of the colonists may be seen from the follow- ing admonition which immediately follows the language above quoted :
It will be a business worthy of your best endeavors to look into this in the beginning, and, if need be, to make some exemplary to all the rest; otherwise your government will be esteemed as a scare- crow. Our desire is to use lenity, all that may be; but, in case of necessity, not to neglect the other, knowing that correction is ordained for the fool’s back. And as we intend not to be wanting on our parts to provide all things needful for the maintenance and sustenance of our servants, so may we justly, by the laws of God and man, require obedience and honest carriage from them, with fitting labor in their several employments; wherein if they shall be wanting, and much more if refraction, care must be taken to punish the obstinate and disobedient, being as necessary as food and raiment.
This language may seem to us of the present day to be a tyran- nical and unwarranted interference with the personal life of the indi- vidual colonists, but here again we find an illustration of the Old World conception of government. The individual, according to Old World ideas, existed for his government rather than the government existing for the benefit of the individual. Personal liberty and the rights of the common man were still afar off, but even in this Puri- tan Commonwealth there were already glimmerings of democracy, as witness the Governor’s action in calling the chief men of the Colony together to elect a pastor and teacher and to set up a new form of church worship.
It is a singular fact that John Endicott, the first Governor of the
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new Colony, was one of the most stern and iron-handed governors in all the history of Massachusetts Bay Colony. He it was who years later as Governor of Massachusetts hanged Quakers on Boston Com- mon. We may, therefore, form some idea of the strictness of disci- pline inaugurated by him in the infant colony at Salem. Clothed as he was with unlimited powers from the home government and endowed by nature with a narrow and uncompromising outlook upon life, his rule could not fail to be memorable for its severity.
It must not be supposed that the powers granted to the govern- ment at Salem were confined to mere oversight of the religious life of the inhabitants. The leaders of the colonizing movement sincerely believed that if they could maintain a godly community the chief problems of government would be solved. To this belief we may perhaps trace the extraordinary efforts of the Puritan Colony to enforce morality upon all persons within their borders. The various letters of instruction to Endicott are eloquent examples of this single- ness of purpose. Let us consider the following from the letter of May 28, 1629 :
We may not omit [the letter declares] out of our zeal for the common good, once more to put into your mind to be very circumspect in the infancy of the Plantation to settle some good orders (i. e., regulations), whereby all persons resident upon our Plantation may apply themselves to one calling, or other, and no drones be permitted to live amongst us; which if you take care now at the first to establish, will be an undoubted means, through God’s assistance, to prevent a world of disorders, and many grievous sins and sinners.
This language of the Puritan board of directors in England to their Governor in America contains an undoubted truth. That truth has passed into a proverb, familiar to us all, that an idle brain is the devil’s workshop. In modern times youths who shun honest toil and endeavor to live by dishonest means furnish society with its chief problems of crime and misery. The difficulty of enforcing legislation to curb idleness has always been an insuperable obstacle. But the Puritan leaders were not the kind to voice platitudes without making strenuous efforts to put them into practical operation. Let us see how they proposed to banish idleness.
Servants and the unmarried were assigned to certain families and required to render obedience to the heads of 'such families. This
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made it possible to put into operation an extraordinary system of family registers in which the activities of each member of a family or group was recorded by the head of the family. The language in which these regulations were voiced deserves repetition. We quote from the letter of April 17, 1629:
We also send you the particular names of such as are entertained (i. e., employed) for the Company’s service; amongst which we hope you will find many religious, discreet and well ordered persons, which you must set over the rest, dividing them into families, placing some with ministers, and others under such as being honest men, and of their own calling, as near as may be, may have care to see them well educated in their general callings as Christians, and particular accord- ing to their several trades, or fitness in disposition to learn a trade.
If we turn to the letter of May 28 we find the following:
The course we have prescribed for keeping a daily register in each family, of what is done by all and every person in the family, will be a great help and remembrance to you and to future posterity for the upholding and continuance of this good act, if once well begun and settled; which we heartily wish and desire as aforesaid.
The more we study these important documents of Puritan life and thought the more convinced we must become that these men were not wild-eyed visionaries who expected to create Utopia in America by stern dealing with individuals. To their minds stern dealing was necessary to attain a great ideal in statecraft, but they were fully aware of the danger of tyranny, oppression and meanness in the administration of these stringent regulations. Their desire to prevent tyranny and to see to it that justice would be done to all persons, great or small, in their Colony is strikingly manifest in the following extract from the letter of May 28 :
And as we desire all should live in some honest calling and pro- fession, so we pray you to be impartial in the administration of justice, and endeavor that no man whatsoever, freeman or servant to any, may have just cause of complaint herein. And for that it cannot be avoided but offenses will be given we heartily pray you to admit of all complaints that shall be made to you, or any of you that are of the Council, be the complaint never so mean, and pass it not slightly over, but seriously examine the truth of the business; and if you find there was just cause for the complaint, endeavor to right the oppressed in the best manner you can.
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Could we ask for a more lofty expression of the fundamentals of justice than this letter of instructions of three centuries ago? But there is more in the same letter indicative of the profound under- standing of human nature possessed by these early Puritans and of their wisdom in linking ethical theories with actual practice. They understood full well the pettiness and frailty of human nature and the temptation that some might be under to abuse their authority. Let us see how they proposed to guard against abuses.
Quoting again from the letter of May 28, 1629:
Such as are by us put in authority, as subordinate governors of families, if they shall abuse any under their government, and after gentle admonition do not reform it, fail not speedily to remove them, as men more fit to be governed than to govern others, and place more fit and sufficient men in their stead.
Thus it will be seen that petty tyrants were to have no place in the Puritan Colony. If admonition failed to correct faulty conduct then the offending leader was to be deposed and a new leader of that family or group to be placed in his stead, he himself to be subject to the orders of his successor in office.
Since human nature is ever prone to backbiting and to unjust and groundless complaints, it might well be supposed that the Governor and Council would be in danger of much unnecessary inquiry into con- duct of family heads. But the letter of instructions carried its own solution of such possibilities, as will be seen from the following :
If you find any complaint to be made without just cause given, let not such a fault escape without severe punishment, and that forth- with and in public, whereby to terrify all others from daring to com- plain against any that shall be set over them without a just cause. We pray you take this earnestly to heart, and neglect not the due execution thereof upon plaintiff or defendant, according to the nature of the offense. It will be a means, through God’s mercy, of prevent- ing many inconveniences and disorders, that otherwise will undoubt- edly befall you and the whole government there.
In some respects Governor Endicott and the Council were left free to deal with ordinary offenses against the common weal, but there were particular offenses against which they were commanded to make stringent regulations. The first of these may be deemed the forerunner of those “blue laws,” so-called, for which Massachusetts
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was afterward famous — the matter of profanity. The Puritans took their Bible very seriously. The Ten Commandments meant much to them. You will remember that one of those Commandments read thus :
Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain; for the Lord will not hold him guiltless who taketh his name in vain.
Now the Puritans believed that any such sinful violation of the Third Commandment in their Colony might endanger the welfare of all, hence the following admonition to Governor Endicott, as con- tained in the letter of May 28 :
And amongst other sins we pray you make some good laws for the punishing of swearers, whereunto it is to be feared too many are addicted that are servants sent over formerly and now. These and other abuses we pray you who are in authority to endeavor seri- ously to reform, if ever you expect comfort or a blessing from God upon our Plantation.
It is thus manifest that the punishment of blasphemy was dictated not by a narrow dislike of the practice but by an earnest desire to win from the Almighty a blessing for all the people of the Colony. The same was true of other restrictive regulations that originated from the Ten Commandments. Take, for instance, the injunction concern- ing the Sabbath. The Puritans, as we have observed in the progress of this story, were very punctilious in the matter of Sabbath observ- ance. In fact, the Sabbath seems to have been regarded as beginning at sundown on Saturday. A controversy was later to develop over the custom, for there were those in the Colony who contended that the Sabbath began on Sunday morning and they disdained to follow the Jewish theory that a day began at sunset and continued until sundown of the following day. It is interesting, therefore, to observe that this early New England custom did not originate spontaneously in Massachusetts. It was expressly ordered by the Directors of the Massachusetts Bay Company in their letter under date of April 17, 1629.
And to the end that the Sabbath may be celebrated in a religious manner [the letter reads] we appoint that all that inhabit the plan- tation, both for the general and particular employments ( i . e., those who were working for the Company and those who pursued private employments), may surcease their labor every Saturday throughout
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the year at three of the clock in the afternoon; and that they spend the rest of that day in catechising and preparation for the Sabbath as the ministers shall direct.
There was another portion of the letter of instructions of April 17 that bears eloquent testimony alike to the care that the promoters of the Colony bestowed upon the selection of immigrants and their zeal to purge America of wicked persons who may have obtained entrance into this land of promise.
And whereas amongst such a number [the letter reads] notwith- standing our care to purge them, there may still remain some libertines, we desire you to be careful that such, if any be, may be forced, by inflicting such punishment as their offenses shall deserve, (which is to be, as near as may be, according to the laws of this Kingdom), to con- form themselves to good order; with whom after admonition given, if they amend not, we pray you proceed without partiality to punish them, as the nature of their fault shall deserve; and the like course you are to hold both with planters and their servants; for all must live under government and a like law.
The colonists were also instructed as to their duties in respect to the Indians.
We trust you will not be unmindful of the main end of our Plan- tation [Cradock wrote to Endicott] by endeavoring to bring the Indians to the knowledge of the Gospel; which that it may be the speedier and better effected, the earnest desire of our whole Com- pany is, that you have a diligent and watchful eye over our own peo- ple, that they live unblamable and without reproof, and demean them- selves justly and courteously towards the Indians, thereby to draw them to affect our persons, and consequently our religion; as also to endeavor to get some of their children to train up to reading and consequently to religion, whilst they are young; herein to young or old to omit no good opportunity that may tend to bring them out of that woeful state and condition they are in.
This survey of the extraordinary responsibilities imposed upon Governor Endicott is by no means complete. The burden of care, of watchfulness to protect the infant colony against possible Indian treachery, against human nature itself in man, woman or child of his own followers that might cause a lapse from Puritan conceptions of morality and consequently the incurring of the wrath of the Almighty against the Colony, were well nigh staggering. None but a strong
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and resolute man could have borne up under the strain as did John Endicott. So we may picture him in the closing days of July, 1629 — valiantly active, the driving force in every field of activity of the Colony — oversight of morning devotions in every family; over the labors of the day of every individual, whether of domestic employ- ment or the heavier tasks of the settlement. The Governor thus loomed in the background of the feverish activity of loading the ships still in the harbor, preparing cargo for the stevedores or ferrying it across from the wharf to where the ships lay at anchor. His was the ultimate responsibility for the efficient labor of those who strug- gled to fell giant trees in the nearby forest, and for the teamsters who fastened chains to the great logs and goaded the slow-moving oxen to strain at the task of hauling them to the sawmill. There was not an ox in the settlement, had he possessed the intelligence, that might not have traced his woes directly back to the taskmaster in the big house. The men who operated the sawmill with its ponderous and awkward machinery knew that the output of their daily toil was each night being reported to Governor Endicott. Carpenters and laborers who struggled to erect beams, cross-beams and rafters knew that the eye of the Governor was upon them. They knew also that he watched their progress as they clothed these sturdy skeletons of oak and pine with newly-sawed boards; as they noisily hammered home handmade nails supplied them from the nearby smith. They knew that every hour was vitally important. They were fashioning homes for families now living in tents or rude shelters, sufferers from rain, mosquitoes and other annoyances.
Thus it was that in every field of activity of the Colony the Gov- ernor and his assistants, tireless and watchful, furnished direction and incentive for the labors of every soul in the community.
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IN SALEM, WHERE ACROSS THE SQUARE OPPOSITE SALEM
CHAPTER XVII Treachery Is Revealed
One day in early August of 1629 Governor John Endicott was hurrying from the town wharf toward his own home. It was the hour for the midday meal. Although the Governor was a widower, yet his generosity in offering asylum to the Rev. Francis Higginson and the latter’s family had temporarily provided him with a capable house- keeper. Meals prepared by an experienced housewife were much superior to the products of his own amateur attempts. The Governor was, therefore, more keenly interested in mealtime than he had for- merly been. Work was progressing well in all directions. The last of the transport ships would soon be loaded with a return cargo and ready to sail for England. The Governor, therefore, had reason to be in an unusually amiable mood. As he neared the Governor’s house, however, the sound of hurrying footsteps, and of his own name called in unmistakable agitation, caused Endicott to halt abruptly. Rev. Francis Higginson was at his heels.
“Oh, Master Endicott, so fortunate to have overtaken you — I have news, disturbing news — ”
“Bad news, you say!”
“Aye, bad news. There is treachery afoot, good sir — treachery in the Council itself.”
“In our Council of New England? Surely there must be some mistake.”
“No mistake, Master Endicott. The two Browns who have fought against the establishing of our church have now secretly set up a rival church.”
“A rival church — in Salem? But they have no minister.”
“They have no minister, truly, but they do have the Book of Common Prayer — and they are meeting for services with John Brown and his brother as leaders.”
“Master Higginson, this is indeed heavy news. But it cannot be tolerated — it shall not be tolerated.”
“Your instructions from the Bay Company, Master Endicott — do they say anything about the form of services to be held in this Colony?”
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“No, no, there is nothing definite on this point, but there is some- thing that may help us. Let us summon Master Skelton. Let us look into the matter.”
The two men hurried homeward — the noonday meal now of little importance, a formality to be complied with for the sake of Mrs. Hig- ginson and the children. The Governor sat in his usual place at the table, abstracted and frowning until the meal was ended. Hearing Rev. Samuel Skelton at the door, he hastily excused himself and hur- ried out of the dining room to meet the newcomer.
“Well, well, my dear Governor, why this sudden summons? Nothing serious, I hope.”
“Serious enough, I promise you. We need your advice and assist- ance before the other members of our Council arrive. Master Hig- ginson will be with us directly.”
While the two men were awaiting the coming of the other clergy- man, Governor Endicott, in a few brief sentences, gave Rev. Skelton the story of the rival religious services now being conducted in Salem. Again and again Skelton declared the story fantastic and impossible but when Higginson joined them the latter presented such convincing evidence that there could be no further doubt.
The three men now examined the various letters of instruction from England to discover what authority, if any, might be vested in the Governor to deal with a situation such as this.
“Look you here,” cried Governor Endicott. “Here is the matter plainly stated. In speaking of the ministers the letter of April 17th provides as follows : ‘For the manner of exercising their ministry
and teaching both our own people and the Indians, we leave that to themselves, hoping they will make God’s word the rule of their actions; and mutually agree in the discharge of their duties.’”
“Truly there is authority therein for the action of our planters in agreeing upon a reformed church, but does it give us, as a Council, the right to punish those who refuse to follow our leading?”
“Not in so many words, Master Skelton, but have we not agreed — all of us — that we will live by God’s Holy Book, both in matters of faith and in civil affairs?”
“Even so, Master Endicott.”
“Then is not a secret violation of the will of our people an act of rebellion that calls for punishment?”
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“That may be, but I should wish the judgment of our brethren of the Council upon it.”
“They have been summoned to attend us — all save the Browns themselves. They should be here at any moment.”
Salem was then under virtual military discipline. Governor Endi- cott well knew the value of precision in all things. Mealtime was uni- form throughout the settlement, in order that tasks might be laid aside at the same moment and resumed as promptly at the close of the period. The members of the Council who had been summoned to the Governor’s house were to report immediately after dinner, as the noonday meal was then quite generally known. Hurrying thither the assistants were shortly assembled in the Endicott council room, listen- ing to the story of mutiny in which two of their associates were ringleaders.
“Why are they not here?” demanded one of the Councillors. “Shall we try men behind their backs?”
“Not so,” replied Governor Endicott tartly. “Neither should guilty men be permitted to deliberate upon their own punishment.”
“But surely they have the right of Englishmen to furnish evidence as to guilt or innocence.”
“True enough and we will send for them presently. I have called you men together for a private conference that we may decide what right we have to punish them if it should be found that they are guilty of setting up a rival church in our midst.”
The Councillors were in the thick of debate, with nothing definite accomplished, when the two Browns unexpectedly arrived at the Endicott door, having heard rumors of the Council meeting. In so embarrassing a predicament the Governor took the only course open to him of causing the accused brothers to be admitted at once to the Council meeting. It may be that John Brown had already sensed the purpose for which the Council had convened.
“A secret session of the Council, I see.” The sneer in his voice did not escape the irascible Governor.
“Certainly, Master Brown, since you have already set the exam- ple of secrecy. In fact, we were discussing Parson Brown and his Prayer Book.”
The lawyer flushed darkly. “Do you presume to insinuate, Mas- ter Endicott, that it is unlawful to use the Prayer Book of his Majesty the King in a Colony established by his royal permission?”
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“We will discuss that hereafter. But now, my good sir, we would know from your own lips whether on yesterday, the Lord’s Day, you and others did hold a religious meeting, separate and apart from the church established by the people of this Colony.”
“And if I should refuse to answer you — what then?”
“That is for this Council to decide. But we have evidence on the point and it is not needful that you should answer — your refusal is confession of guilt.”
“Not so,” cried Brown fiercely. “Under the laws of England a man is not obliged to furnish evidence against himself. You forget sir, that I am a lawyer and understand very well the rights to which an Englishman is entitled.'’
“Master Endicott,” interposed Rev. Samuel Skelton, “would it not be well to have the witnesses brought before us at once?”
“They have been summoned and will be with us anon. But Mas- ter Higginson may in the meantime tell us what he knows of the matter.”
Rev. Francis Higginson had no sooner begun his recital than he was interrupted by an angry outburst from John Brown.
“Master Endicott, I protest against this man’s recital of gossip. This is hearsay evidence — not admissible in a court of justice.”
“But we have witnesses to all these things,” protested the clergyman.
“Then produce your witnesses and have done with idle prating.” Proceedings were now halted by universal clamor, but presently Rev. Samuel Skelton calmed the group enough to make himself heard.
“It is doubtless true, brethren, that we are not acting as a court of justice should act in so grave a matter. But if I mistake not we need someone to conduct this preliminary trial. My reverend brother, Master Higginson, may well act in that capacity. Now, sir,” address- ing himself to John Brown, “is it not customary for the prosecutor to state what he expects to prove against an accused person — to state it in advance of calling his witnesses?”
Brown bit his lip with vexation. The pastor had scored an impor- tant point. The lawyer was obliged to admit the propriety of outlin- ing the case in advance. Higginson thereupon resumed his summary of what various colonists had reported to him after having attended the meeting at which the Browns had conducted a Church of England
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service. By the time the clergyman had finished, the witnesses them- selves were at the door, Governor Endicott having previously dis- patched the Higginson boys to fetch them.
The chagrin of John Brown was complete. Men whom he had trusted, now that the affair had come to light, made haste to turn State’s evidence against him. No useful purpose could be served in prolonging the trial.
“Call no more of the caitiffs and cowards,” he raged. “My brother and I will avow like men that we have done our best to redeem this Colony from heresy, even though we may be surrounded by heretics. But we have committed no crime. You men of this Council do but injure your own cause the more to call us to account for reading the Book of Common Prayer on the Lord’s Day. Shame be upon you one and all that you be traitors to our holy faith.”
“Silence 1” thundered Endicott with livid countenance. “We will not tolerate such scurvy insults under this roof. Call our sheriff at once, for these men go not forth from this meeting except in custody.” “How now, Master Endicott, have you so far forgotten the rights of Englishmen that you seek to imprison men who have committed no wrong? It is true that we differ from you in opinion but not even the King himself would presume to imprison those who do not agree with him in matters of faith.”
“This is not a matter of disagreement merely, Master Brown. You have secretly set up a hostile faction in this settlement — you have raised the standard of rebellion. It is not for your thoughts but for your acts that I am to give you into custody.”
Since the Council, in its incomplete meeting prior to the arrival of the accused men, had not arrived at a decision, the announcement by Governor Endicott that he was planning to arrest John Brown and his brother became a signal for surprise and consternation. There was some uncertainty as to the right of the Governor to resort to such drastic action against a member of the Council without an express vote of that body. Members of the Council who deplored the conduct of the Browns were, nevertheless, constrained to oppose the Governor’s action as hasty and tyrannical. The two clergymen, how- ever, upheld Endicott. It was largely due to their eloquence that the dispute was settled in the Governor’s favor.
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The men were arrested and taken from the Governor’s house to a place of confinement. After their departure the Council settled down to the important question of what form of punishment should be meted out to the culprits.
“Methinks we are stirring up a hornet’s nest,” declared Roger Conant earnestly. “These men have powerful friends in England. Whatever we may do to them is sure to trouble us hereafter.”
“True enough, Master Conant,” responded Governor Endicott, still flushed from the excitement of the recent debate, “but if they be permitted to continue their disturbances here then we will surely be undone.”
“Can we not banish them from our borders?” asked Rev. Francis Higginson. “If they be no longer in our midst they may cease to trouble us, even as Ralph Smith, who fled from this plantation not long since.”
“But Smith has been received into fellowship by our brethren at Plymouth — he is preaching in their church. John Brown and his brother would have no place of refuge unless we send them back to England.” The speaker was Roger Conant.
“A good idea, Master Conant. What say you, gentlemen of the Council, that we sentence the Browns to banishment to England and send them back on the ships that sail next week?”
“Why try them at all?” cried Rev. Samuel Skelton. “Why not send them back to England with written accusations against them, to be tried by the Bay Company itself?”
“That would be shirking our plain duty,” responded the Governor hotly. “Their offense is against this Colony, against the rules that we have established for its safety and well-being.”
“I am not so sure that our duty is plain,” responded the clergyman dubiously. “We cannot afford to make any mistakes that John Brown, clever and contentious barrister that he is, may use against us.”
Despite the Governor’s earnest desire to put the men on trial in Salem, the milder plan of sending them back to England to be tried for their insubordination prevailed. So it came to pass that when the last of the ships set out on the homeward journey during the fol- lowing week the two Browns were aboard, raging and defiant, breath- ing of vengeance when they should reach England.
(To be continued)
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^Eaftmer
Latimer and Allied Families
By J. J. McDonald, Seattle, Washington
surname Latimer is derived from a corruption of the lent Norman word, latinier, meaning a speaker of Latin, more generally, an interpreter, since the term Latin [uded languages in general at the time. According to the Peerages, the noble families of this surname are descended from Wrenock, the son of Meirric, who held certain lands on the Welsh border, under the ancient Norman kings, by the service of being lati- mer, or interpreter, between the Welsh and the English.
Arms — Gules, a cross patonce or, over all a bend azure semee-de-lis of the second.
(Burke: “General Armory.”)
Crest — A dexter arm in armour embowed, the hand grasping a fleur-de-lis.
Motto — Loyal au vtort. (Crest and Motto used by family.)
Early records of the name show, in 1086, Hugo Latinarius; in 1273, Alan le Latimer and Symon le Latimer; and in 1513, William Latymere, in the “Register of the University of Oxford.”
(Lower: “Patronymica Britannica.” Bardsley: “Dictionary of English and Welsh Surnames.”)
The best known, perhaps, of the English Latimers was Bishop Hugh Latimer, Protestant martyr, and one of the principal promoters of the Reformation in England. Born about 1490 at Thurcaston, Leicestershire, he was the son of a yeoman and entered the University of Cambridge about 1 505. He was elected a Fellow of Clare College in 1 509, and was graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1510, and with that of Master of Arts in 1514, having taken holy orders before the latter date. During these earlier years of his career he was a most careful observer of even the most minute rites of his faith, but about 1523 he was according to his own statement, converted from Romanism. Having been appointed a University preacher, his discourses soon attracted wide attention and his influence grew rapidly. In the Lent of 1530 he was invited to preach before Henry VIII, who was much pleased with his sermon and soon after- wards appointed him one of the Royal chaplains. The King’s favor
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partly also resulted from the fact that Hugh Latimer, having been made one of the committee to examine into the validity of the King’s mar- riage to Katherine of Arragon, reported in favor of the King’s divorce. In 1531 he accepted the living of West Kington or West Kineton, Wiltshire, conferred upon him by Henry VIII. During this period his strong support of the cause of Reformation brought him several times into conflict with high church dignitaries and in 1532 he was excommunicated and imprisoned. Through the interference of the King he was released and, following Cranmer’s consecration as Archbishop of Canterbury in 1533, Hugh Latimer’s influence became very strong. After Henry VIII formally repudiated the authority of the Pope, in 1534, Latimer was, together with Cranmer and Cro